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All Journal AL-Daulah Brawijaya Law Journal : Journal of Legal Studies Ahkam: Jurnal Hukum Islam Jurnal Panorama Hukum Kybernan: Jurnal Studi Kepemerintahan Jurnal Pembelajaran Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (JP2M) Amsir Law Jurnal (ALJ) AL WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Journal of Islamic and Law Studies (JILS) Qonun Jurnal Hukum Islam dan Perundang-Undangan Sapientia Humana : Jurnal Sosial Humaniora Limbago: Journal of Constitutional Law Rampai Jurnal Hukum Jurnal Politique Palangka Law Review Journal of Political and Government Issues Adil Indonesia Journal Jurnal Tata Rias
Rahmawati, Nurlaili
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Religion Arts Humanities Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences Other

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PENANGANAN PERSELISIHAN HASIL PILKADA KOTA SERANG OLEH MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI Rahmawati, Nurlaili
Ahkam: Jurnal Hukum Islam Vol 6, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : IAIN Tulungagung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (760.678 KB) | DOI: 10.21274/ahkam.2018.6.2.313-336

Abstract

The dispute of local election result is related to difference of the way or amount of result in counting vote between local election commission as the institution of administrator’s election and participants of the local election. If only there is participants of local election who are unsatisfied with the result, they can submit the lawsuit to Constitution Court as regulation article 24C UUD 1945. The reason of dispute local election result in  Serang City is due to broken seal of vote voice box, and a lot of cheating done by the couples of candidates but the difference in vote between winners and losers is more than 2%. This research is using case study and descriptive-analysis method. The result is Constitution Court wouldn’t judge the case, if the lawsuit doesn’t comply to formal requisites: first, difference of voting count is not more than 2% of legal vote; second, the lawsuit submitted is not Constitution Court’s authority; third, overdue factor related time of submit lawsuit, as the regulation, should be submitted on 3 (three) days after announcement.Keywords: Local Election Disputes, Constitution Supreme Court
PENANGANAN PERSELISIHAN HASIL PILKADA KOTA SERANG OLEH MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI Rahmawati, Nurlaili
Ahkam: Jurnal Hukum Islam Vol 6 No 2 (2018)
Publisher : IAIN Tulungagung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/ahkam.2018.6.2.313-336

Abstract

The dispute of local election result is related to difference of the way or amount of result in counting vote between local election commission as the institution of administrator’s election and participants of the local election. If only there is participants of local election who are unsatisfied with the result, they can submit the lawsuit to Constitution Court as regulation article 24C UUD 1945. The reason of dispute local election result in  Serang City is due to broken seal of vote voice box, and a lot of cheating done by the couples of candidates but the difference in vote between winners and losers is more than 2%. This research is using case study and descriptive-analysis method. The result is Constitution Court wouldn’t judge the case, if the lawsuit doesn’t comply to formal requisites: first, difference of voting count is not more than 2% of legal vote; second, the lawsuit submitted is not Constitution Court’s authority; third, overdue factor related time of submit lawsuit, as the regulation, should be submitted on 3 (three) days after announcement.Keywords: Local Election Disputes, Constitution Supreme Court
Re-Voting And Re-Vote Counting: Differences, Causes And Impact Factors Nurlaili Rahmawati
Al Daulah : Jurnal Hukum Pidana dan Ketatanegaraan Vol 11 No 1 (2022): (January-June)
Publisher : Jurusan Hukum Tatanegara Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/ad.v1i2.28253

Abstract

This article examines the phenomenon of re-voting and recounting of ballots. Re-voting and recounting ballots is likened to an unpredictable stage of the electoral process because on particular districts, besides that with the devotees not all doing this. Re-voting and recounting ballots will add or even repeat either part or possibly all of the work that has been done by the Electoral Commission. Re-voting and recounting ballots could be due to constitutional court rulings, recommendation of bawaslu, and the state of force majeure. This will have an impact on budget addition, logistical willingness, voter attendance, longer conflicts and the integrity and professionalism of the Electoral Commission at stake. If the re-vote and the recount of the ballots are included in the stages of the election process and determined the date will result if the Constitutional Court decides outside the schedule of the process stages then it is feared that the date is not in accordance with the stages, Meanwhile, if the re-vote and recount of ballots do not become mandatory stages in the election, it is feared that with the simultaneous elections in 2024 the impact that occurs cannot be anticipated properly by the Election Commission. Keywords: Revote of ellection, recount of ballots, simultaneous elections 2024.
Perubahan Koalisi Perubahan Untuk Persatuan Dalam Memilih Bakal Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dalam Pilpres Tahun 2024 ajeng anisa indri astuti indarto; Yuni Khairunnisa; Muhammad Nabil Daud Musyaffa; Azis Setiawan; Nurlaili Rahmawati
POLIGOVS Vol 2 No 1 (2024): JOURNAL OF POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENT ISSUES : (MEI) 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Politik Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas PGRI Ronggolawe Tuban

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.0005/poligovs.v2i1.971

Abstract

The Political Party Coalition is very dynamic in nominating the 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates. This can be seen in the change coalition which previously consisted of the Nasdem Party, Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Democratic Party to nominate Anies Baswedan as Presidential candidate, but after the Nasdem Party chose Muhaimin Iskandar (general chairman of PKB) as a presidential candidate to accompany Anies Baswedan during the 2024 presidential election unilaterally without asking for consideration from PKS and the Democratic Party, which resulted in the Democratic Party leaving the Change coalition. This research uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach which aims to discuss causes happen change election of Presidential Candidates and Vice Presidential Candidates from Coalition Change and the impacts that occur from it Change Election of Presidential Candidates and Vice Presidential Candidates from Coalition Change . The results of this research are first, The Nasdem Party chose Anies Baswedan as its presidential candidate because (i) Anies Baswedan has the same vision and mission as the Nasdem Party, (ii) Anies Baswedan's high electability is considered to be able to bring about sustainable development in Indonesia, (iii) Anies Baswedan has proud achievements . The pairing of Anies Baswedan with Muhaimin Iskandar to become presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2024 presidential election has had the impact of changing political party coalitions with the decline of the Democratic Party because initially AHY was predicted to be Anies Baswedan's running mate as vice president. However, at the time of the declaration the coalition for change put forward Muhaimin Iskandar as vice presidential candidate. This change made the Democrats disappointed and decided to leave this coalition. Second, Muhaimin Iskandar was chosen as a candidate for vice president because PKB was strong on the island of Java, especially East Java and NU throughout the archipelago. It can be seen from the political achievements achieved by PKB under the leadership of Muhaimin Iskandar, marked by the large number of cadres in Jokowi Ma'ruf Amin's cabinet, therefore it is hoped that PKB will be able to gain a lot of votes. The public can choose Muhaimin as vice presidential candidate and it is hoped that the Anies-Muhaimin pair can bring about a political revival for the santri-nationalists.
URGENSI INTEGRITAS APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA (ASN) UNTUK MEWUJUDKAN PEMERINTAHAN YANG BAIK Lailiya, Nabiila Husna; Amalia, Tatu; Humaid, Abdun Nashir; Rahmawati, Nurlaili
Kybernan: Jurnal Studi Kepemerintahan Vol. 7 No. 1 (2024): APRIL 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Universitas Muhammadiyah Buton

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Banyaknya kabar yang beredar mengenai kinerja dan etos kerja Aparatur Sipil Negara (ASN) di berbagai pemberitaan media hingga razia oleh satpol PP sehingga artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas urgensi integritas Aparatur Sipil Negara (ASN) untuk mewujudkan pemerintahan yang baik. ASN sebagai aparatur pemerintah yang sudah disumpah ketika menerima jabatan harus mempunyai komitmen tinggi untuk menjalankan tugas dan kewajiban dengan sebaik-baiknya. Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 2014 tentang Aparatur Sipil Negara menegaskan bahwa setiap PNS maupun PPPK harus memiliki integritas tinggi dalam menjalankan tugas. Pelayanan yang baik akan menjadi indikator bagi pemerintahan yang baik, jika pemerintahan yang baik maka kesejahteraan masyarakat pun akan tercapai. Kata Kunci : Integritas ASN, Aparatur Sipil Negara, Pemerintahan Yang Baik.
Upaya Pencegahan Polarisasi Politik di Tahun Pemilu 2024 Rianadiwa, Syifa; Salam, Virgano Triadi; Rahmawati, Nurlaili; Solakhudin, Faiz
Sapientia Humana: Jurnal Sosial Humaniora Vol 4 No 01 (2024): Vol 4 No 01 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Katolik Parahyangan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jsh.v4i01.7548

Abstract

This article aims to discuss efforts to prevent political polarization in the 2024 election year by using library data collection methods. The results of this research are that political polarization can occur in any situation and condition especially during elections, public policy, socio-cultural issues including post-debate issues for the Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates. The causes of political polarization are none other than political parties, mass media, regional expansion, political context and society's political ideology. Political polarization has positive and negative impacts. However, of these two impacts, there are more negative impacts. The negative impacts that can be caused by political polarization are the creation of divisions, damage to democratic institutions, loss of credibility of political parties, impact on government, and reduced credibility of society, while the positive impacts of political polarization are strengthening relationships and increasing participation in politics. Political polarization will very easily occur when the public or supporters are easily carried away by issues circulating in society such as differences in ideology, choices and principles between one camp and another. Several efforts can be made to prevent political polarization, namely: the public must be able to sort and choose the issues circulating and not be too fanatical about their choices, instill and implement the values of Pancasila, and implement the value of harmonization of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika.
Peran Pemerintah Dalam Menangani Pencemaran Udara Berdasarkan Undang-undang Lingkungan Hidup Thoriq Muhammad; Siti Winda Astuti; Maulana Arif Al Djazairi; Nurlaili Rahmawati
JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC AND LAW STUDIES Vol. 7 No. 2 (2023)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah UIN Antasari

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18592/jils.v7i2.11457

Abstract

Polusi udara merasakan masalah serius yang dihadapi oleh negara berkembang termasuk Indonesia khususnya diwilayah perkotaan seperti yang terjadi di Jakarta Bogor, Depok, Tangerang dan Bekasi (Jabodetabek). Penelitian ini menggunakan yuridis normatif dengan fokus menjawab rumusan masalah bagaimana peran pemerintah dalam menangani pencemaran udara berdasarkan undang-undang lingkungan hidup. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah perlu adanya kolaborasi antara masyarakat dan pemerintah untuk menangani pencemaran udara. Adanya kesadaran dari masyarakat untuk tidak membakar sampah sembarangan serta menggunakan transportasi masal daripada kendaraan pribadi. Sedangkan pemerintah dapat menggunakan tindakan represif maupu preventif, misalnya dengan membuat iklan masyarakat untuk menjaga lingkungan, melakukan pengawasan dan menindak secara tegas perusahaan yang tidak mematuhi pengelolaan limbah industri sesuai peraturan yag berlaku dan memberikan sanksi administratif. Selain itu untuk wilayah perkotaan seperti jabodetabek perlu adanya peningkatan kuantitas dan kualitas transportasi umum yang aman dan nyaman supaya masyarakat berpindah menggunakan transportasi umum serta penambahan ruang terbuka hijau. Kata Kunci: Pencemaran Udara, Undang-Undang Lingkungan Hidup, Peran Pemerintah
KEDUDUKAN MAJELIS PERMUSYAWARATAN RAKYAT (MPR) SEBAGAI LEMBAGA KONSTITUTIF DI INDONESIA Nursari, Della; Marifatur, Ezra; Nafisah, Aqilah; Pratiwi, Eka; Rahmawati, Nurlaili; Davega Prasna, Adeb
Limbago: Journal of Constitutional Law Vol. 3 No. 3 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Jambi, Fakultas Hukum

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22437/limbago.v3i3.25269

Abstract

Di Indonesia selain ada kekuasaan legistatif, eksekutif, dan yudikatif, dikenal juga tiga macam kekuasaan negara lainnya yaitu, kekuasaan konstitutif, kekuasaan eksaminatif/inspektif, dan kekuasaan moneter. Kekuasaan-kekuasaan tersebut termasuk ke dalam pembagian kekuasaan secara horizontal. Lembaga konstitutif adalah lembaga yang memiliki kewenangan untuk mengganti, menambah, mengurangi, membuat, dan menghapus sebagian maupun seluruh isi atau materi yang ada di dalam konstitutif suatu negara. Hanya terdapat tiga negara yang memiliki lembaga konstitutif yaitu negara Indonesia, negara Iran, dan negara Prancis. Sedangkan lembaga konstitutif negara lain bersifat sementara.Kekuasaan Konstitutif adalah merupakan kekuasaan untuk mengubah dan menetapkan Undang-Undang Dasar. Kekuasaan ini dijadikan oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. sebagaimana ditegaskan dalam Pasal 3 ayat UUD 1945 yang menyatakan bahwa Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat berwenang mengubah dan menetapkan Undang-Undang Dasar.
Eksistensi Hukuman Pidana Mati Dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2023 Tentang KUHP Deri Ardiansyah; Muhammad Adiaat; Aditya Indah Cahyani; Nurlaili Rahmawati
Rampai Jurnal Hukum (RJH) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Maret
Publisher : Universitas Ngudi Waluyo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35473/rjh.v3i1.3005

Abstract

This research aims to discuss the existence of the death penalty in Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code and look at the advantages and disadvantages of the death penalty in Article 100 of the National Criminal Code. This research is normative juridical research using a statutory approach, case approach and concept approach. The results of this research are that Article 100 paragraph (1) of the National Criminal Code listed that, executing criminal dead determined by delaying criminal death for 10 (10) years taking into account two conditions namely, a feeling of regret and wanting to repent for it repair self as well as role defendant criminal dead in follow criminal. The death penalty in the National Criminal Code has advantages and disadvantages, the advantages are punishment dead arranged as a criminal alternative and existence delays the execution of criminal dead, so it can become a road middle between the pros and cons views of criminal punishment. In fact, the punishment dead is the most severe punishment, because of its implementation The death penalty is only given to perpetrators of serious crimes such as premeditated murder, so the death penalty is responsible for their actions and will have a deterrent effect. Meanwhile, the weakness of the regulation of the death penalty in Article 110 paragraph (1) of the National Criminal Code is that there is no legal certainty regarding when the death penalty is carried out, which has an impact on the execution of people waiting for the trial period. This makes criminal cases too long, the judicial process is uncertain what verdict will be received, and the deadline for issuing a presidential decision by obtaining the consideration of the Supreme Court is not clearly regulated. Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membahas tentang eksistensi hukuman mati dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2023 tentang KUHP serta melihat kekurangan dan kelebihan dari pidana mati dalam Pasal 100 KUHP nasional. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan undang-undang, pendekatan kasus dan pendekatan konsep. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Pada Pasal 100 ayat (1) KUHP Nasional tercantum bahwa, eksekusi pidana mati ditentukan oleh penundaan pidana mati selama 10 (sepuluh) tahun yang memperhatikan dua syarat yaitu, rasa penyesalan dan mau bertaubat untuk memperbaiki diri serta peran terdakwa pidana mati dalam tindak pidana. Pidana Mati dalam KUHP Nasional mempunyai kelebihan dan kekurangan, kelebihannya adalah hukuman mati diatur sebagai pidana alternatif dan adanya penundaan eksekusi pidana mati, sehingga dapat menjadi jalan tengah antara pandangan pro dan kontra terhadap pidana hukuman mati. Faktanya, hukuman mati merupakan hukuman yang paling berat, karena penerapannya vonis hukuman mati hanya diberikan kepada pelaku tindak pidana kelas berat seperti pembunuhan berencana, sehingga hukuman mati merupakan pertanggungjawaban atas perbuatannya dan akan menimbulkan efek jera. Sedangkan kelemahan pengaturan hukuman mati dalam Pasal 110 ayat (1) KUHP Nasional ini adalah tidak ada kepastian hukum mengenai kapan dilaksanakannya hukuman mati berdampak pada pelaksanaan eksekusi mati yang menunggu masa percobaan. Hal ini membuat perkara pidana terlalu lama, proses peradilan tidak ada kepastian putusan apa yang akan diterimanya, dan batas waktu dikeluarkannya putusan Presiden dengan mendapatkan pertimbangan Mahkamah Agung tidak diatur secara jelas.
Problematika Penistaan Agama di Dunia Entertainment ditinjau dari Hukum Islam dan Hukum Positif Abyan, Muhammad Faras; Sianipar, Lela Safitri BR; Faqih, Rifqi Abdulloh; Rahmawati, Nurlaili
QONUN: Jurnal Hukum Islam dan Perundang-undangan Vol 8 No 1 (2024)
Publisher : FASYA Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21093/qj.v8i1.7636

Abstract

Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan konsep (concept approach), pendekatan kasus (case approach), dan pendekatan undang-undang (statute approach) yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui penistaan agama dalam dunia entertainment perspektif hukum Islam dan hukum positif. Hasil penelitian ini adalah dalam hukum positif pelaku penistaan agama dapat dikenakan hukuman penjara selama lima tahun atau denda sebanyak-banyaknya Rp500 juta. Selain itu, pelaku penistaan agama juga dapat dijatuhi hukuman tambahan berupa sanksi administratif, seperti pencabutan izin usaha atau sanksi lainnya. Penetapan tindak pidana penistaan agama di dalam Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP) dimasukkan dalam kelompok kejahatan penghinaan, karena penodaan disini mengandung sifat penghinaan, melecehkan, meremehkan dari suatu agama dan hal ini dapat mengganggu ketertiban umum. Sedangkan hukuman bagi penistaan agama dalam hukum Islam baik itu menghina agama, seperti mengajarkan aliran sesat atau mengaku menerima wahyu atau mengklaim diri sebagai seorang Nabi, bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam yang benar. Namun, belum diatur secara terperinci dalam hukum Islam bagaimana kategori-kategori penistaan agama, serta sanksi-sanksinya. Tetapi menurut sebagian ulama, dalam kategori penistaan agama dianggap murtad atau keluar dari agama Islam dan divonis hukuman mati.
Co-Authors A Fahrur Rozi Abyan, Muhammad Faras Aditya Indah Cahyani ajeng anisa indri astuti indarto Algibran, Ahmad Amalia, Tatu Andre Fahrul Rosy Ari Hayati Ari Nasir Syahputra Arita Puspitorini Azis Setiawan Chrisna Yuda Hartato Deri Ardiansyah Dewi Lutfiati Dzakwan Fadhil Putra Kusuma Eka Pratiwi Faqih, Rifqi Abdulloh Farren Mahesa Rangkuti Fitria Habib Filah Akbar Saputra Habibie, Bayu Rasya Hadad Alwi Salamun Hanah, Ummu Hasanuddin Heru Susetyo Humaid, Abdun Nashir Kurniawati, Nur Aini Lailiya, Nabiila Husna Marifatur, Ezra Maspiyah Maspiyah Maulana Arif Al Djazairi Mohammad Sirojul Umam Muhammad Adiaat Muhammad Faishal Rizqullah Muhammad Lazuardi Ilham Muhammad Luthfi Permana Muhammad Nabil Daud Musyaffa Muhammad Zidan Masykur Munali, Diva Sharni Nabila Kamila Nabila Muti'ah Maryam Nafisah, Aqilah Nahdliyah Nurul Aini Noer Zulfa Jauhariyah Nurhasanah, Putri Aliyya NURSARI, DELLA Prasna, Adeb Davega Rafif Fadhail Nabih Rahmadini, Ainin Rahman, Muh Rakhul Rianadiwa, Syifa Rika Rahayu Salam, Virgano Triadi Sandy, Rifky Sianipar, Lela Safitri BR Sindi Rahmawati Siti Winda Astuti Solakhudin, Faiz Subrin Thoriq Muhammad Yuni Khairunnisa Yunisa Farasiscaraya Aesia Zahratunisa Zara Azizah Hanan