Articles
<![CDATA[Political Party Funding Problems: Studies on PPP And PERINDO Parties in West Java ]]>
<![CDATA[Arlan Siddha]]>;
<![CDATA[Angga Nurdin Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 8 Issue 3: (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.31506/jog.v8i3.21440
<![CDATA[Political parties have a fundamental role in democracy. This fundamental role ultimately places political parties in a vulnerable and strategic situation. On the one hand, political parties must compete strictly with funding that is not small, and on the other hand, the presence of fund donors can erode the function of political parties as a liaison between society and the state. The theory used in this article is about political parties, especially funding for political parties. The method used is a qualitative research method with descriptive analysis. The data sources in this article are primary data through interviews with political party officials and secondary data through financial reports and literature studies from journals, news, and other articles. The results of this study indicate that parties that get small votes in political contestation in West Java experience problems in terms of carrying out political education and operational activities due to the lack of sources of funding for political parties. This situation causes political parties to only be able to organize political education internally due to the availability of existing funding. The impact of this situation is that the role of political parties does not work in providing political education to the community, which in turn has an impact on the political participation of the community, which is less effective.]]>
<![CDATA[Tantangan dan Peluang Perkembangan Teknologi Pertahanan Global Bagi Pembangunan Kekuatan Pertahanan Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Angga Nurdin Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 1 No. 2 (2014): Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v1i2.19
<![CDATA[Abstract The application of technology has been developing throughthe history of many nations’ defence system.Nations always make their effort to increase research on defence technology system as it strengthens their defence capability to address the threat resulted from the development of defence technology system. Indonesia must have catch-up strategy to acquire the updated defence technology system. This paper is to discuss the global defence technology that bring obstaclesas well as chances toward Indonesia defence system, especially those related to development and adaptation capability from Indonesia’s defence industries.                      Keywords : Defence industries, Indonesia, military technology, TNI]]>
<![CDATA[PELUANG DAN TANTANGAN KEPEMIMPINAN INDONESIA DALAM BIDANG POLITIK-KEAMANAN DI ASEAN PADA KRISIS POLITIK MYANMAR TAHUN 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Angga Nurdin Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 7 No 02 (2022): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v7i02.1108
<![CDATA[Indonesia has credibility in carrying out its leadership role in the political-security sector in ASEAN. The political crisis that occurred in Myanmar due to a military coup in early 2021 raised concerns that it would have an impact on regional stability and ASEAN solidity. This reality makes researchers question what are the hopes and challenges of Indonesia in carrying out political-security leadership in ASEAN in the political crisis in Myanmar? This research was conducted with a qualitative design using secondary data from various literatures. This study finds that in responding to the crisis that occurred in Myanmar, Indonesia is faced with hopes for ideas and efforts that are always in helping to find solutions as part of the implementation of leadership in the security-politics field that comes from free-active foreign policy, transition experience democracy and capabilities. democracy. But on the other hand, Indonesia must also be faced with challenges that must be faced in the capacity to carry out political-security leadership originating from the ASEAN Way, rejection of the people of Myanmar and the inconsistency of human rights issues as well as the consolidation of domestic politics in responding to the crisis. Therefore, Indonesia still has to engage in constructive engagement through strengthening its democracy and human rights agenda and prioritizing non-megaphone diplomacy as part of efforts to help Myanmar out from the political crisis.]]>
<![CDATA[Identitas Kolektif pada Kerja Sama Kontra-Terorisme dalam Kerangka ASEAN Political-Security Community ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2020): November 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.2690
<![CDATA[ASEAN as a regional organization is currently in an effort to develop cooperation in the form of the ASEAN Community. The formation of the ASEAN Community is based on three pillars, where one of the pillars is the political-security pillar (ASEAN Political-Security Community / APSC) who faces the most dynamic challenges related to security issues in the Southeast Asia. This security issue certainly has an influence on interactions both among intra-regional states and with extra-regional states. This paper aims to analysis the challenges and opportunities faced by the ASEAN political-security community to strengthen cooperation in dealing with security issues in the Southeast Asian. This paper is based on a constructivism analysis of the formation of a security community. This paper will get an overview of the challenges and opportunities faced in the realization of cooperation to tackle security issues in the Southeast Asia region within the framework of the APSC. The description of these challenges and opportunities can be the basis for analyzing what strategies must be done to encourage the realization of the APSC in accordance with what is expected by the members states.]]>
<![CDATA[Penanaman Nasionalime Kepada Anak Pekerja Migran Indonesia di Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>;
<![CDATA[Alamari, M. Fauzan]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurdin, Iing]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Abdimas Kartika Wijayakusuma Vol 5 No 2 (2024): Jurnal Abdimas Kartika Wijayakusuma ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LPPM Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.26874/jakw.v5i2.425
<![CDATA[Penanaman nasionalisme kepada anak pekerja migran Indonesia di Malaysia merupakan bagian dari kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat yang bertujuan untuk mengenalkan nasionalisme sebagai bagian dari rasa cinta tanah air pada anak-anak yang dilahirkan dan tumbuh di Malaysia dikarenakan orang tua yang bekerja sebagai buruh migran. Sasaran dari kegiatan ini adalah anak-anak yang berada pada jenjang yang setara dengan kelas 1 sampai 6 Sekolah Dasar di Sanggar Bimbingan Sungai Mulia 5 Kuala Lumpur. Pelaksanaan kegiatan ini dilaksanakan secara langsung dimana para fasilitator dan narasumber hadir di Sanggar Bimbingan untuk mengajar mengenai nasionalisme kepada anak-anak dengan jam khusus yang telah disediakan oleh pengelola Sanggar. Kegiatan ini dilakukan melalui tahapan persiapan yang meliputi penyiapan jadwal, materi dan metode yang digunakan, tahap pelaksanaan dan tahap evaluasi yang seluruhnya dilakukan dalam jangka waktu 4 bulan (1 semester). Kegiatan ini memberikan dampak positif berupa meningkatkan pengenalan, pengetahuan, dan wawasan dari anak-anak buruh migran Indonesia yang belajar di Sanggar Bimbingan Sungai Mulia 5 Kuala Lumpur mengenai Indonesia. Kegiatan ini akan menjadi fondasi bagi anak-anak buruh migran di Malaysia agar cinta dan bangga dengan tanah airnya (Indonesia).]]>
<![CDATA[Optimalisasi Manajemen Usaha Mikro Kecil dan Menengah (UMKM) Berbasis Digital ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurmansyah, Abdul Ahmad Hafidh]]>;
<![CDATA[Siddha, Arlan]]>;
<![CDATA[Soebagyo, Agus]]>;
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Abdimas Peradaban Vol. 4 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Abdimas Peradaban ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Global Writing Academica Researching and Publishing ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.54783/4dk4ms17
<![CDATA[Pandemi Covid-19 merupakan situasi yang tidak dapat dihindari dewasa ini. Kondisi ini tidak hanya memberikan efek pada kesehatan masyarakat, namun juga pada perekonomian. Salah satu sektor yang terkena dampaknya adalah Usaha Mikro Kecil dan Menengah (UMKM) dan hal ini dialami oleh UMKM industri pengolahan makanan di Kecamatan Cikalong Wetan Kabupaten Bandung Barat tepatnya di Desa Cisomang. Permasalahan utama yang dihadapi adalah terkait pengelolaan usaha dari berbagai aspek seperti pemasaran, operasional, pengelolaan karyawan dan keuangan. Objek pengabdian kepada masyarakat adalah sentra UMKM yang ada pada industri pengolahan makanan di Desa Cisomang Kecamatan Cikalong Wetan, Kabupaten Bandung Barat yang teridiri atas 10 UMKM. Produk yang diproduksi bermacam-macam makanan ringan salah satunya adalah produk basreng. Dengan adanya pelatihan dan pendampingan tentang manajemen yang baik diharapkan dapat membantu UMKM untuk tetap dapat mempertahankan eksistensinya dalam kondisi pandemi yang melanda saat ini.]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA`S ROLE IN THE ISSUE OF HUMAN RIGHT VIOLATIONS AGAINST THE UIGHUR ETHNIC GROUP IN XINJIANG ]]>
<![CDATA[Merliana, Merri]]>;
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>;
<![CDATA[Oktaviani, Jusmalia]]>
<![CDATA[ Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 9 No 1 (2024): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v9i1.2189
<![CDATA[The issue of human rights violations against the Uighur ethnic group in Xinjiang, China, has drawn attention from Western countries as promoters of human rights and Muslim-majority nations, within the framework of solidarity. For Indonesia, the issue of human rights violations against the Uighur ethnic group poses a dilemma. This dilemma stems from Indonesia's status as a member of the UN Human Rights Council for the 2020-2022 period and as a country with a Muslim-majority population, while China, accused of committing human rights violations against the Uighur ethnic group, is a strategic economic partner. Based on this context, this paper aims to discuss the question of Indonesia's role in the issue of human rights violations against the Uighur ethnic group in the years 2020-2022. The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze Indonesia's role using K.J. Holsti's theory of national roles, based on identity and interests from a constructivist perspective. The paper finds that Indonesia plays three roles in the issue of human rights violations against the Uighur ethnic group: independent, example, and bridge. These roles are based on Indonesia's identity as a middle power country with economic interests and its identity as a member of the UN Human Rights Council.]]>
<![CDATA[IDENTITAS DAN KEPENTINGAN DALAM KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA TERHADAP ISU HAK ASASI MANUSIA ETNIS UIGHUR ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Dinamika Global Vol 10 No 2 (2025): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v10i2.4679
<![CDATA[The human rights issues of the Uighur ethnic group have become the international spotlight as a result of the policies implemented by China government which are considered to have violated human rights. For Indonesia, the human rights issue of the Uighur ethnic group is a dilemma in itself that has emerged in foreign policy both at the bilateral level towards China and bilaterally through the UN Human Rights Council mechanism. Indonesia's foreign policy is considered ambiguous because it does not reflect Indonesia's position as a member of the UN Human Rights Council and Islamic solidarity. Therefore, this article attempts to discuss by presenting the question why there is ambiguity in Indonesia's foreign policy in responding to the human rights issue of the Uighur ethnic group? The discussion of this question was analyzed using a constructivist approach through identity and interests with the argument that Indonesia's foreign policy towards human rights issues of the Uighur ethnic group was based on personal and social identities, giving rise to differences in interests that must be achieved. The article was prepared using qualitative methods with secondary data used to support research arguments. This paper finds that the foreign policy presented by Indonesia as an alternative has emerged based on its identity as a developing country with an interest in maintaining and maintaining good relations with China and an identity as a global human rights promoter with an interest in avoiding politicization of the UN Human Rights Council by Western countries.]]>
<![CDATA[PUSARAN GLOBALISASI DAN RESIDU TRANSISI DEMOKRATISASI DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmat, Angga Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Academia Praja Vol 1 No 02 (2018): Academia Praja : Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Pemerintahan, dan Administrasi Publik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (185.348 KB)
|
DOI: 10.36859/jap.v1i02.72
<![CDATA[Unavioded Globalization for all countries and society has brought democracy that bring toward social and political condition. Democracy indeed can make a positif development for society, but in the new democratic countries, democracies seems make cause various social and political unrest in a society that is not yet fully capable to practiced democracy in full spektrum. Reffering from these conditions, this article will provide a discussion of how globalization has brought democracy and residue in Indonesia. This article uses qualitative methods with data obtained from literature review. This article is a report derived from a residue of democracy that is part of a communicator formed from conflict and disintegration of society. Therefore, the affirmation of the nation identity through Pancasila becomes the solution for the residue of democracy wich was difficult to avoid.]]>
<![CDATA[FAKTOR DOMESTIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH HUNGARIA TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN MIGRAN DARI TIMUR TENGAH PERIODE TAHUN 2015-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmat, Angga Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Academia Praja Vol 4 No 1 (2021): Academia Praja : Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Pemerintahan, dan Administrasi Publik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.36859/jap.v4i1.241
<![CDATA[Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.]]>
