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All Journal Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Jurnal Kebijakan Kesehatan Indonesia Jurnal Tapis : Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Episteme: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Jurnal Politik Profetik Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Journal of Governance and Public Policy JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik) Jurnal Studi Komunikasi Journal of Government and Civil Society Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia Indonesian Journal of Islamic Literature and Muslim Society JURNAL MUQODDIMAH : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hummaniora Dinamisia: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat JMM (Jurnal Masyarakat Mandiri) Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Paradigma POLISTAAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Journal of Contemporary Islam and Muslim Societies Reformasi : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Widya Praja Jurnal Ilmiah Wahana Bhakti Praja Jurnal Ilmiah Tata Sejuta STIA Mataram Mawaizh : Jurnal Dakwah dan Pengembangan Sosial Kemanusiaan Moderat The Journal of Society and Media PERSPEKTIF Politea : Jurnal Politik Islam MODERAT: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Journal of Applied Data Sciences Masyarakat Indonesia Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Kebijakan (JPK) Prosiding Seminar Nasional Program Pengabdian Masyarakat PANDAWA : Jurnal Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Indonesian Journal of Islamic Literature and Muslim Society Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Studia Islamika
Ridho Al-Hamdi
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
Religion Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Chemical Engineering, Chemistry & Bioengineering Civil Engineering, Building, Construction & Architecture Computer Science & IT Control & Systems Engineering Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Medicine & Pharmacology Public Health Social Sciences Other

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Pro and Contra of the Parliamentary Threshold among Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) and Political Parties: Seeking a Relevant Model for Indonesia’s Legislative Election Al-Hamdi, Ridho; Sakir, Sakir; Lailam, Tanto
Journal of Governance and Public Policy Vol 9, No 3 (2022): October 2022
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgpp.v9i3.15149

Abstract

This paper is going to examine the pro and contra among the Electoral Management Bodies’ (EMBs) commissioners and political parties’ functionaries in responding to the parliamentary threshold issue. Methodologically, this paper is based on qualitative research by utilizing a multiple case approach. It is supported by employing Qualitative Data Analysis Software (Q-DAS), namely NVivo 12Plus to analyse the data written in the transcript of the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) with the EMBs’ commissioners and politicians in six provinces and nine cities/counties. The finding demonstrates that the all actors agree to adopt the parliamentary threshold in the national legislative election. Afterward, the mind map contains distinctive issues among EMBs and politicians. Thus, the parliamentary threshold is still required to strengthen the consolidation of Indonesian democracy. Such a threshold is also an essential standard to encourage well institutionalized parties and to modernize them. Thus, four percent of the parliamentary threshold is an ideal model. Subsequently, the increase of the parliamentary threshold percentage is no needed anymore. In addition to that, it is not applied in the regional legislative election.
Nationalist-Islamist Party in a Liberal Ecosystem: The Solidity and Campaign Strategy of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) during the 2014 and 2019 Elections Al-Hamdi, Ridho
Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 13, No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Magister Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.290-304

Abstract

This paper examines the nationalist-Islamist party’s solidity and campaign strategy, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), in coping with the legislative election under an Open List Proportional Representation (OLPR) system, mainly during the 2014 and 2019 elections. The party solidity is measured by a fourfold indicator: procedural leadership in the decision-making process, conflict resolution mechanism, systematic candidateship, and the commitment upon the values/ideology. In the meantime, the campaign strategy is assessed by four indicators of marketing-mix: product, price, place, and promotion. The finding demonstrates that PKS can maintain the party solidity despite addressing the internal turmoil, mainly related to beef bribery committed by the PKS president in the early of 2013. Furthermore, although PKS executes all campaign strategies in dealing with the 2019 legislative election, the most effective strategy for increasing the PKS’ vote is product and place. The party has a specific platform and strong candidate characteristics. Indeed, it is supported by the loyalty of legislative candidates, cadres, members, and sympathizers who have significant contributions as the vote-getters in mobilizing the electorate. Those proofs indicate that the ideological party can adjust itself in the electoral competition under the liberal system of open-list proportional representation applied by Indonesia. PKS is a good case with its pragmatic strategies.
The Perception of Election Organizer and Political Actors Towards the Open Proportional System in Bantul Regency Pahlevi, Moch Edward Trias; Al-Hamdi, Ridho; Nurmandi, Achmad
Jurnal Ilmiah Tata Sejuta STIA Mataram Vol 6 No 1 (2020): JURNAL ILMIAH Tata Sejuta STIA Mataram
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian dan Pengabdian pada Masyarakat Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi (STIA) Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32666/tatasejuta.v6i1.116

Abstract

The electoral system influences various other systems such as party systems and government systems. It also affects the psychology of voters (constituents). An open proportional system encourages a high electoral violations and also encourage candidates to compete in mobilizing mass support for their victory. The efforts to seek mass votes are carried out in a pragmatic way, mobilizing the masses by forming a network team and equipping them with some money or other items. An open proportional system impacts election violations in Bantul Regency. It can be seen from the data Bawaslu of Yogyakarta Province. Bantul Regency received the title with the highest election violations in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. Many things cause this to happen, one of the biggest causes is the open proportional system and also Bantul Regency received the title of highest voter turnout in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. Of course this is inseparable from the application of an open proportional system. However, this high participation rate is being debated by many parties because the high number is due to the role of political actors who act pragmatically to mobilize voters to come to the polling stations. This research uses a qualitative approach and analysis carried out using Nvivo 12 plus software. The purpose of this research are to determine the perception of election organizers and political actors to open proportional system. The results of this research are the perception of election organizers and the major political actors assume an open proportional system have a negative impact. This negative impact caused by the proportional system which resulted in a fairly high political pragmatism that has implications for the high electoral violations in Bantul and open proportional system also makes the quality of the public considered to be bad in the election event. Furthermore, the attitude of the election organizers and the majority of political actors answered that they did not agree with the open proportional system that was still used in Indonesian elections.
Party change and electoral performance: assessing the impact of intraparty conflict on the Democrat and Hanura parties Al-Hamdi, Ridho; Trianisa, Krisma; Kurniasari, Lenny; Lailam, Tanto; Nur Hayati, Neni; Mahmud, Ramli
Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 14, No 1 (2024): (April 2024)
Publisher : Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v14i1.13033

Abstract

This article examines the determining factors inducing the decreasing votes of two renowned political parties in Indonesia: The Democrat Party (PD) and the People Conscience Party (Hanura). As the ruling party in the 2009 election, the PD’s votes declined dramatically in the two following elections. Meanwhile, Hanura failed to exceed the parliamentary threshold in 2019. Methodologically, it is qualitative research by utilizing a comparative case approach. To gather data, this study employed in-depth interviews and documentary analysis and strengthened by NVivo 12plus platform by using Crosstab Query and Wordcloud Analysis to visualize data. By applying the party change indicators developed by Harmel and Janda, the findings revealed that leadership change was the most influential factor toward the poor performance of both parties in the electoral competition. Such leadership change caused a detrimental conflict and changed a dominant faction inside the party. More specifically, the corruption case behaved by the PD’s politicians aggravated the party charm, and the parliamentary threshold was a supporting aspect of the thrown out of Hanura from the parliament.
Moving towards a Normalised Path: Political Islam in Contemporary Indonesia RIDHO AL-HAMDI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017
Publisher : Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.8150

Abstract

As the largest predominantly Muslim country of the globe, Indonesia nearly achieves two decades of its democratisation wave since the downfall of the Au- thoritarian Rule in 1998. Political parties, one of the crucial democratic institutions, have a signifi- cant responsibility to maintain the democratic system as they are the sole official representatives to create leaders and policies in the government. This paper portrays the trajectory of political Islam in Indonesia particularly Islam-based parties slightly under two decades since Post- New Order regime. Islam-based parties have a potential to be a moderate-offi- cial force in the government. It could be proven by the threefold indicator. First is the ripeness of Islam-based parties in coping with both internal and external stimuli such as the leadership change and elite conflicts, the constitutional re- form and the electoral result. Second is the role of Muslim political forces in the parliament particularly in addressing the policy making of controversial bills. Third is the involvement of Islam-based parties in the administration cabinet. To sum up, by applying the analytical framework on the party goal, political Islam in Indonesia has three distinctive features: As “the vote-seekers” in the election, as “the issue-advocates” in the legislature and as “the office-seekers” in the execu- tive. These denote to a normalised path of political Islam in reaching out the embedded democracy.
Classification of Political Party Conflicts and Their Mediation Using Modified Recurrent Convolutional Neural Network Riyadi, Slamet; Suradi, Muhamad Arief Previasakti; Damarjati, Cahya; Chen, Hsing-Chung; Al-Hamdi, Ridho; Masyhur, Ahmad Musthafa
Journal of Applied Data Sciences Vol 6, No 1: JANUARY 2025
Publisher : Bright Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47738/jads.v6i1.513

Abstract

The rapid proliferation of political information on the internet has exacerbated conflicts within political parties, including elite disputes, dualism, candidate controversies, and management issues, which can undermine political stability and public trust. To address these challenges, this study introduces the Modified Recurrent Convolutional Neural Network (M-RCNN), an enhanced RCNN model designed to improve classification accuracy and mitigate overfitting by incorporating additional layers and dropout mechanisms. The primary objective of this research is to provide an efficient and accurate framework for classifying political conflicts and mediation strategies, overcoming the limitations of traditional methods, particularly in handling imbalanced datasets and intricate data patterns. Using a dataset of 1,106 Indonesian news articles categorized into four conflict types—elite disputes, management, presidential, and legislative candidate conflicts—and four mediation strategies—leadership decisions, deliberation, legal channels, and none—the data underwent extensive preprocessing, tokenization, and an 80:20 training-testing split. The M-RCNN achieved a conflict classification accuracy of 98.0%, a precision of 99.0%, and a loss of 0.03, significantly outperforming baseline models, including CNN (85.0% accuracy), RNN with LSTM (88.0%), and standard RCNN (85.0%). For mediation strategy classification, the model demonstrated exceptional performance with an accuracy of 99.0%, a precision of 99.0%, and a loss of 0.01, highlighting its robustness and scalability. This study’s novelty lies in its ability to process imbalanced and complex datasets with unparalleled precision and efficiency, providing a practical framework for automated political conflict analysis and mediation. The findings underline the potential of the M-RCNN model to revolutionize political science applications by delivering reliable, fast, and accurate tools for analyzing and resolving political conflicts, thereby contributing to the advancement of artificial intelligence in promoting political stability and fostering public trust.
Soliditas Internal Partai Berkuasa di Indonesia dalam Mengusung Anak Presiden di Pemilihan Walikota Surakarta 2020 Subekti, Dimas; Al-Hamdi, Ridho
JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2024): Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan (JIIP)
Publisher : Program Studi Sarjana (S1) Ilmu Pemerintahan, FISIP, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jiip.v9i2.22234

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan soliditas Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) sebagai partai penguasa di Indonesia dalam mengusung putra Presiden Joko Widodo dalam pemilihan Walikota Surakarta 2020. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini adalah wawancara dan dokumentasi.  Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah proses pengambilan keputusan dalam konteks pencalonan Wali Kota Surakarta oleh PDIP tersentralisasi kepada ketua umum sehingga sebagai organisasi politik lebih mengarah pada personalisasi institusi. Kemudian, PDIP juga tidak terbuka dalam proses rekrutmen calon yang akan diusung nya. Hal ini yang mengakibatkat ketidakharmonisan antara pengurus PDIP di tingkat Kota Surakarta dengan tingkat nasional.  Partai ini sebenarnya lemah dalam hal kepemimpinan prosedural, mekanisme resolusi konflik dan kaderisasi sistematis. Dengan kata lain, meskipun PDIP merupakan partai penguasa di Indonesia, namun soliditas internalnya lemah ketika mencalonkan anak presiden aktif Indonesia dalam pemilihan walikota Surakarta yang merumakan wilayah basis massa nya.
Soliditas Partai dan Stabilitas Perolehan Suara: Konsolidasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif 2014 Anawati, Dyah Mely; Al-Hamdi, Ridho
JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 10 No. 1 (2020): Vol. 10 No. 1 2020 | JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Publisher : Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i1.4636

Abstract

Artikel ini membahas soliditas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) melalui konsolidasi kelembagaan untuk mempertahankan kestabilan perolehan suara pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif 2014. Konsolidasi kelembagaan dilakukan setelah Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) menangkap presiden PKS, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, pada awal tahun 2013 terkait dengan kasus penyuapan kuota impor daging sapi. Ternyata, PKS memperoleh 6.79 persen suara pada Pemilu Legislatif 2014. Ini berarti sedikit turun sebesar 1.09 persen dibanding pemilu sebelumnya tahun 2009 yang mencapai 7.88 persen. Kajian ini menggunakan riset kualitatif dengan pendekatan teori kelembagaan partai. Pengumpulan data menggunakan berita media daring, data KPU dan rujukan lain yang relevan. Temuan kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa PKS masih dapat mempertahankan soliditas organisasinya meskipun banyak survei memprediksi kekalahannya. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan kebertahanan dalam empat indikator utama: kepemimpinan prosedural, mekanisme resolusi konflik yang dikelola dengan baik, sistem kaderisasi dan komitmen kuat terhadap nilai dan ideologi yang dianut bersama. This article discusses the solidity of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party, PKS) which succeeded in defending the stable vote in the 2014 legislative election after Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission arrested the PKS president, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, in the early of 2013 due to the case of beef import bribery. In fact, PKS earned 6.79 percent in the 2014 election, which means it only decreased 1.09 percent from the previous 2009 election, which reached 7.88 percent. This article is qualitative research. The required data were collected online by consulting media news, the KPU’s data, and other relevant references. The finding demonstrates that PKS was able to maintain its solidity and stable vote in the 2014 legislative election through organizational consolidation although surveys predicted its defeat. This organizational consolidation was conducted by the following measures:  procedural leadership, a well-managed conflict resolution mechanism, systematic candidateship, and a strong commitment upon the party values (ideology).  
Aksi 212 dan Kemenangan Anies-Sandi pada Pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017 Septiana, Elis Nugraha; Al-Hamdi, Ridho; Gusmi, Adibah Dhivani
JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 10 No. 2 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 2 2020
Publisher : Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i2.8923

Abstract

Pemilihan Gubernur (Pilgub) Jakarta 2017 menjadi arena perebutan kekuasaan yang diperbincangkan banyak pihak karena berawal dari kasus “penistaan agama” oleh salah satu calon gubernur, yakni Basuki Tjahaja Purnama atau Ahok di Kepulauan Seribu pada akhir 2016, yang memunculkan reaksi kelompok-kelompok masyarakat Muslim tertentu yang dipelopori oleh Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Artikel ini mengkaji bagaimana strategi gerakan Aksi 212 dalam memenangkan Anies-Sandi pada Pilgub Jakarta 2017. Kajian dilakukan dengan menggunakan data kepustakaan (library research) dan wawancara. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa Aksi 212 memiliki peran besar dalam memenangkan pasangan Anies-Sandi pada Pilgub DKI Jakarta 2017. Hal itu terlihat pada dua hal, yaitu modal sosial yang dimiliki oleh jaringan aktivis Aksi 212 dan pemanfaatan kepercayaan masyarakat dengan menggunakan fatwa MUI dan pengaruh para tokoh Muslim seperti Rizieq Shihab, Bachtiar Nasir, Arifin Ilham dan para aktivis Muslim lainnya yang berhasil memobilisasi massa Aksi 212 jelang Pilgub Jakarta 2017. Aksi terakhir ini sukses mempengaruhi perilaku pemilih Jakarta yang memicu banyaknya deklarasi dukungan pada Anies-Sandi sehingga akhirnya keduanya memenangkan Pilgub tersebut.The 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election was marked by the allegedly religious blasphemy conducted by one of its governor candidates, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, well-known as Ahok, which incited a strong reaction from certain Muslim groups led by the Islamic Defender Front (FPI). This article aims to find out this reaction that manifested in what so-called the Aksi 212 movement and its contribution to the success of Anies-Sandi in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election. It employs a qualitative method using media news and interview as the data-gathering techniques. The findings reveal that Aksi 212 played an influential role in making Anies-Sandi the governor and deputy governor-elect in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election. This was strongly related to two determining factors: first, the social capital of the Aksi 212 in the forms of networks and public trust due to its use of the MUI (Indonesia Ulama Council)’s fatwa; and second, the influence of Muslim public figures such as Rizieq Shihab, Bachtiar Nasir, Arifin Ilham who succeeded in mobilizing masses to join the Aksi 212 at Monas (National Monument), Jakarta, in 2017. All this significantly contributed to the making of Anies-Sandi the governor and deputy governor-elect in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.
Parties and the power of capital intensive under open-list proportional representation system: The case of Indonesia Al-Hamdi, Ridho
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 37 No. 2 (2024): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V37I22024.150-165

Abstract

Since the Indonesian election adopted the Open-List Proportional Representation (OLPR) system in 2009 until the present, most political parties have altered their campaign strategies in the parliamentary election. The ownership of capital intensive is seemingly a certainty for political parties if they wish to succeed in the electoral match. Therefore, this article is aimed to demonstrate that capital intensive has a powerful impact in regard to the party triumph in the electoral arena under an OLPR system. It can be seen with the successful experience of four political parties in Indonesia, namely the Gerindra Party (Great Indonesia Movement), PKB (National Awakening Party), the Nasdem Party (National Democrat), and PKS (Prosperous Justice Party) in two elections, 2014 and 2019. Methodologically, it is qualitative research by utilizing in-depth interviews and online news gathering as the data collection technique. With the usage of four marketing-mix indicators (product, price, place, promotion), the article findings revealed that most political parties generally had uniformity in those four indicators despite different ideologies, programs, and strategies. Each party respectively required financial costs, an ideological platform, past achievements, popular candidate profile, physiological costs, local networks, direct campaign strategies to voters, elite approaches, and tactical promotions through mass media. Thus, this study concludes that these costs, which are referred to as “capital intensive,” determine the party’s victory in achieving electoral success.
Co-Authors AA Sudharmawan, AA Achmad Nurmandi Adibah Dhivani Gusmi Ahmad Syukri Akbar, Ali - Alfian Nurochman Ali - Akbar Alim Bubu Swarga Anawati, Dyah Mely Annida Ulfah Annisa Risky Ramadan Arfan Ashari Saputra Arissy Jorgi Sutan Astri Candra Dewi Awang Darumurti, Awang Bachtiar Dwi Kurniawan, Bachtiar Dwi Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo Banggu, Masni Cahya Damarjati Chen, Hsing-Chung Danang Kurniawan, Danang David Efendi Dewanti, Mike Diah Riski Hardiana Diah Riski Hardiana Dimas Subekti Dyah Mely Anawati Elis Nugraha Septiana Erna Trianggorowati Erna Trianggorowati Gusmi, Adibah Dhivani Haedar Nashir Halimah Abdul Manaf Halimah Halimah Hardiana, Diah Riski Heriansyah Anugrah Indar Surahmat Indriyani, Nessa Rizky Ismed Kelibay Karmila Zahrani Al Hayati Khabir, Muhammad Hazim Kharisma Purwandani Kurnia, Rahmat Kahfi Kurniasari, Lenny Kurniawati, Nawang Laras Lingganingrum Mahmud, Ramli Masyhur, Ahmad Musthafa Moch. Rifqi Mei Redha Muhamad Iqbal Muttaqin Muhammad Eko Atmojo, Muhammad Eko Naprathansuk, Non Nawang Kurniawati Nawang Kurniawati Non Naprathansuk Nur Hayati, Neni Nur Sofyan Nuryani, Najli Aidha Pahlevi, Moch Edward Trias Rahmat, Al Fauzi Resky Sirupang Kanuna Sahrul Pora Sakir Sakir Sakir Sakir, Sakir Sakti, Andi Muhammad Sary Septiana, Elis Nugraha Siti Maharani Chumairah Slamet Riyadi Sri Agustiningsih Suradi, Muhamad Arief Previasakti Suranto Suranto Suswanta Swarga, Alim Bubu Tanto Lailam Tanto Lailam Tri Oka Putra Laksana Trianggorowati, Erna Trianisa, Krisma TUNJUNG SULAKSONO Tyas Hadi Angesti Vindhi Putri Pratiwi Widiyastuti Setiabudi WIDODO, BAMBANG