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All Journal JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL Journal of International Relations Studies Jurnal Ilmiah HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Global Strategis Jurnal Hubungan Internasional AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Global South Review International Journal of Research and Community Empowerment Journal of International Relations Diponegoro
Satwika Paramasatya, Satwika
Department Of International Relations Universitas Diponegoro Jl. Prof. Sudarto, SH, Tembalang, Semarang, Indonesia 50275
Arts Humanities Chemistry Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Library & Information Science Mathematics Physics Social Sciences Other

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The Hallyu Ef ect: Persebaran Budaya Pop Hallyu sebagai Ancaman terhadap Juche Francis Lydia Irene Sitompul; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 2, Tahun 2020
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i2.27280

Abstract

Hallyu is a phenomenon from South Korea in the form of pop-culture that spreads to various parts of the world through globalization. Cultural globalization has facilitated access to information which is going to af ect how an individual acts. The global popularity of hallyu has succeeded in building a positive image of South Korea, and also contributes to the economic growth of the country. Hallyu contains many values of freedom and democracy which are adopted by South Korea. Hallyu is very well-received by the international community, including North Korea. Juche is an ideology from North Korea that has the goal of achieving socialist revolution through three main points, namely chaju (independence), charip (self-sustenance), chawi (self-defense). The spread of hallyu whose values are contrary to juche has influenced the way of life, the trends that occur in North Korean society, and also changed the people’s perspectives on the government. It eventually af ected the people’s decision to leave their country and in South Korea. This research will use the concept of cultural globalization to analyze how hallyu entered North Korea and found that hallyu does threaten juche by the shifting behavior in North Korean society and how the government responded to the spread of hallyu in North Korea.
Peran Jaringan Advokasi Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) terhadap Konstruksi Wacana Anti Diskriminasi Ras dalam Industri Sepak Bola Eropa Anung Riyanti; Ika Riswanti Putranti; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33474

Abstract

In recent years, transnational advocacy networks as actors in international relations have brought global action in an effort to construct global discourse on the issue of racism. The existence of global civil society in grassroots movements tends to be less seen as active in its involvement in international politics. This thesis aims to examine the role of the transnational advocacy network Football against Racism in Europe (FARE) in the football industry in Europe regarding its involvement in the construction of anti-racism discourse. FARE is a transnational advocacy network that accommodates anti-racism campaigns and social movements in European football to increase the influence of civil society advocacy in international politics. This research will be structured using the norm cycle theory in the constructivism paradigm which is arranged in qualitative explanative research through congruent analysis techniques. Constructivism provides an explanation of how a norm can emerge, spread, and be adopted through the norm cycle theory. FARE's anti racial discrimination discourse in the football industry in Europe will be analyzed based on the norm emerge, norm casade, and norm internalization as new elements from previous research. The hypothesis of this study is that the FARE transnational advocacy network succeeded in raising the idea of anti-racism in the international community, influencing the process of discourse construction within FIFA and UEFA in shaping policies, until these norms are internalized by clubs, countries and national football associations in Europe. The FARE movement shapes the function of global society and individuals who are involved in the FARE campaign as advocates in the form of solidarity support for marginalized voices for anti-racism human values in the football industry in Europe.
Dibalik Model Kerja Fast Fashion: Pengaruh Inditex Terhadap Eksploitasi Buruh Garmen di Bangladesh Mikael Witarka; Mohamad Rosyidin; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34504

Abstract

The shift in the fashion world which is increasingly popular has prompted a Spanish company, Inditex, to implement a fast fashion work model. This work model is then implemented by Inditex through investment and technology transfer to developing countries such as Bangladesh. However, this work model is prone to labor exploitation and actually creates dependence and backwardness for Bangladesh itself. This research will use Dependency Theory. The method used in this study is a qualitative research with data collection techniques used is the literature study method. So this study tries to prove that the work model that Inditex runs actually creates state dependence and underdevelopment of garment workers in Bangladesh. The result of this research is that Inditex actually maintains Bangladesh's dependence on the fashion company, Inditex's actions are full of injustice but on the other hand Bangladesh needs foreign capital assistance from Inditex to help thecountry's economy.
19. PERAN ASEAN CONVENTION ON COUNTER TERRORISM DALAM PENANGANAN TERORISME DI FILIPINA PERIODE 2011 – 2013 Giuliani Agustha Namora; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 2, Nomor 4, Tahun 2016
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v2i4.13529

Abstract

The terrorist attack that happened in various states particularly after 9/11 tragedy is not anew issue for the Southeast Asian countries. The issue of terrorism that was once became aconcern of individual country, has now became a shared concern for the countriesinSoutheast Asia due to the situation in the international order that are facing complexsecurity. Various acts of terrorist attack that hasoccurred in the Philippines arethe concreteexample of the complex security, because the terrorist groupsfrom the rest of the SoutheastAsian countries itself are linkedto each other. ASEAN as an institution representing theSoutheast Asia region issued the ASEAN Convention on Counter Terrorism in 2007 as aresponse to the threats of terrorism faced by the region. This research aims to analyze therole of ACCT convention in combating terrorism in the Phlippines in the year 2011 – 2013due to the increasing number of terrorist attack since the convention came into force. Toanalyze the role itself, this research uses neoliberal institutionalism theory. The methodthat is used in this research is qualitative method with descriptive-analytical type throughinterviews and literature technics. Outcome from this research is the ACCT Conventionhas role in providing legal norms, ordinances, and strategies in facing terrorist threats tothe member countries of ASEAN. These strategies had been implemented by thePhilippines through various actions and activities during the year 2011 – 2013 such as theadoption of new laws related to terrorism, provision of capacity building training for lawenforcement and counter-radicalization or rehabilitation programs for former perpetratorsof terrorism.
Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Menjadikan Guatemala Sebagai Safe Third Country dalam Upaya Penanganan Arus Migrasi (2019-2020) Cici Afriani Jamal; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33513

Abstract

The United States is the destination country for foreign migrants from countries in Central America. This resulted in a border crisis caused by an increase in the number of asylum seekers in the United States. So this is a threat to the national security of the United States. Therefore, the United States through its policy of making an asylum cooperation agreement with Guatemala to minimize the flow of migration coming from Central America by making Guatemala a Safe Third Country, where asylum seekers will be diverted to follow the procedural process related to permitting asylum claims in Guatemala as a Safe Third Country in order to minimize the increase in the number of foreign migrants in the United States. However, Guatemala is said to have not met the standards set as a Safe Third Country because it is a country that has high levels of violence, inequality, poverty, an inappropriate system and unstable domestic conditions. However, the United States has its own reasons for establishing Guatemala as a Safe Third Country. This study uses neoclassical realism theory with an analytical tool in the form of a multilevel approach. The author collects data using the literature study method through journals/articles, books, websites, and international news. This research is explanatory which aims to reveal “Why did the United States choose to implement a Safe Third Country system policy towards Guatemala?”. The results of this study are the reason the United States set the policy, namely because it prioritizes national security by carrying out a migration policy with countries that already have previous relationships and cooperation.
AIR UNTUK TURKI, SURIAH, DAN IRAK: ANALISIS PENYEBAB TIDAK TERCAPAINYA WATER SHARING AGREEMENT NEGARA TEPI SUNGAI TIGRIS DAN EFRAT Aulianisa Rahma Dyah Rusyadi; Mohamad Rosyidin; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.35049

Abstract

Transboundary river as a common water source has influenced the relations between riparian states. Especially when natural conditions have a dry climate, which has the potential to pose a threat of water scarcity. The utilization of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers by Turkiye, Syria, and Iraq, is one illustration of the situation. Driven to maximize the use of water from the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, the three countries are building hydrological projects such as dams. The development of the GAP sustainable dams project by Turkiye has in fact triggered protests from Syria and Iraq. This condition is influenced by the absence of a water sharing agreement between the three countries, so that unilateral use is unavoidable. This research aims to analyze the cause of water sharing agreement that hasn’t been achieved betweenTurkiye, Syria, and Iraq. This research is qualitative research by explaining the phenomenon using the desk research method. Based on the results of the study using Neorealism, the main cause of the failure of water sharing agreement between Turkiye, Syria, and Iraq is the anarchic international structure which is characterized by the absence of authority over the state, in such a way that it has shaped the behavior of the Turkiye, Syria, and Iraq to rely on themself to survive and achieve national interests. This condition makes Turkey, Syria, and Iraq difficult, even reluctant to cooperate.
Analisis Kepentingan Sudan dalam Pembukaan Hubungan Diplomatik dengan Israel Tahun 2020 Larissa Amelinda Soeryana; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33418

Abstract

Since it reached it’s Independence, for years, Sudan hasn’t only been active on sendingaids to Palestine and actively advocating Palestine’s independence on InternationalOrganizations, but also, Sudan made a regulation on boycotting Israel. At the year of2020, in all of a sudden, Sudan opened a diplomatic relation with Israel. This causedpeople to question because Sudan has been supporting Palestine for years and Israel isPalestine’s mortal enemy. This research is aiming to find the reasons behind Sudan’sdecision on opening a diplomatic relation with Israel. With the datas that are collectedfrom books and news, it’s found that not only that Sudan has been struggling domesticallysince it’s independence, but also since the separation of the North and South Sudan, it’sdomestic situation has only been going worse. In this position, Sudan’s only hope was toget help from other country, but this option is impossible to achieve because Sudan is stillin the US’s terrorist list. Based on the facts found, it can be concluded that the openingof the diplomatic relation between Sudan and Israel was based on Sudan’s rational wayof making decisions to achieve it’s national interest, which was to save and strive for it’scountry’s existance.
5. KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP KEJAHATAN LINGKUNGAN AKIBAT PENCEMARAN LINGKUNGAN OLEH PERUSAHAAN MULTINASIONAL BRITISH PETROLEUM DI TELUK MEKSIKO TAHUN 2010 Stefani Gestananda Widiastari; Tri Cahyo Utomo; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 2, Nomor 3, Tahun 2016
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v2i3.12108

Abstract

Environmental pollution in Gulf of Mexico became the most acute environmental pollutionin United States (US). Pollution caused by negligence committed intentionally by officerBritish Petroleum (BP) oil pipeline resulted in the explosion happened. Omissionscommitted intentionally and caused certain damage to the environment can be categorizedas an environmental crime.Environmental contamination by BP became a threat for thenational security of the United States, as evidenced by the US government attention givento contamination occurs. One concern that was given is when President Barrack Obamacanceled a visit abroad to observe firsthand the pollution incident. This study aims todetermine the policy set by the US government in dealing with pollution case made by BPin 2010. The framework that used in this research are transnational environmental crime,public policy and precautionary principle. The type of this research is descriptiveexplanativewith qualitative data analysis techniques through data collection technique.The result of this research is an explanation about determination of the US government’spolicy in dealing with cases of environmental pollution the Gulf of Mexico, there are theestablishment of national commission, the determination of the provision of fines from theUS government to BP, agreement between BP and Environmental Protection Agency(EPA) and recovery program Gulf of Mexico.
10. KERJA SAMA INDONESIA DAN INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION DALAM MENANGANI KASUS PEKERJA ANAK SEKTOR BERBAHAYA PERIODE 2010-2013 Gala Panuga Azis; Hermini Susiatiningsih; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 2, Nomor 4, Tahun 2016
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v2i4.13412

Abstract

Hazardous Child Labor is an important issue, because it violates the Internationalregulations and Human Rights. Hazardous Child Labor is divided into 4 types, namely:Debt bondage, Utilize a child to engage in prostitution and pornography, Work relating tonarcotics and psychotropic drugs, Work that threatens the health, safety, or morals ofchildren. Children have the potential to be developed in order to participate actively in thedevelopment, in the future. Thus, International cooperation needs to be done so that theelimination of Hazardous child Labour can be met because The existence of theinternational community is increasingly plural increasing interdependence amonginternational actors (Baylis, Smith & Owens). In this research collaboration undertakenby the ILO and Indonesia, as for the purpose of the study, is to examine the role ofIndonesia and ILO in terms of addressing the case of Hazardous Child Labor. To addressthis problem, the research method used is a qualitative method, with the type ofdescriptive analytical research, through research techniques literature and interviews. Theresults of this study, revealed that the cooperation between the ILO and Indonesia in2010-2013 in the removal of Hazardous Child Labor, is to implementing programs,namely: Combating Child Labour through Education, Preparing Youth Facing Transitionfrom School to Work and Entering the World of Work, Combating Child Labour throughTraining skills for children Achieve Minimum Working Age. The programshavedecreasedthe numbers of child workers in Indonesia, but still, there are other factorsinhibiting and motivating the elimination of hazardous child labor.
Pelanggaran HAM di Kashmir sebagai Dampak dari Sengketa Wilayah India-Pakistan Ines Florence Tabita Hutauruk; Mohamad Rosyidin; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34339

Abstract

Kashmir is one of the areas currently in dispute between India and Pakistan which is often accompanied by rebellions in which the people of Kashmir are victims. This conflict has caused human rights violations because many Kashmiris have been subjected to violence and restrictions on rights, especially women in Kashmir who are often victims of rape. The purpose of this study is to find out why the Kashmir conflict has resulted in a lot of sexual violence against women in Kashmir. This study was analyzed qualitatively using the literature method obtained from books, scientific articles, journals and mass media relevant to this topic. Furthermore, this research will be processed using a congruent method that focuses on cause and effect and is presented in an explanatory manner. Several previous studies have focused more on the territorial dispute between India and Pakistan and the interests of the two countries and less on the impact of these disputes on the Kashmiri community, especially women. So the novelty of this research is to complement another perspective in viewing the territorial dispute between India and Pakistan which previously did not highlight its impact on the enforcement of human rights in Kashmir, especially women because previous research focused more on the causes of the conflict. This research will be prepared using the concept of war crimes and the theory of using rape as a war strategy. The efforts of India and Pakistan in fighting over the Kashmir region often lead to violence in the local community. The main argument of this study is that the prevalence of sexual violence in the Kashmir region is influenced by the use of rape as a war strategy.
Co-Authors Abidin, Firdausia Zeta Adityani, Fiandara Dwi Amni Z. Rahman Andi Akhmad Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad Andiny, Maudy Miya Anung Riyanti Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta Atri Yuniar Nimas Amasti Atri Yuniar Nimas Amasti, Atri Yuniar Aulia, Marsanda Aulianisa Rahma Dyah Rusyadi Bayu Pradika Bayuaji Pradipta Arinanda Bima Adistya Br. Ginting Manik, Junita Yolanda Brian Bintang Purbokusumo, Brian Bintang Budi Sutrisno, Kharisma Fatiratri Cahyanti, Putri Candra Yanuarizki, Candra Cesarani Rilistya, Cesarani Cici Afriani Jamal Claudia Syarifah Desy Ramadhani Dewayanti, Itsnaini Dewi Ayu Wulandari, Dewi Ayu Dira Permata Sari Dira Permata Sari, Dira Permata DWI RAMADHANI Dwi Ramadhani Fakhriza Naufal Rakin Fauzan, Muchammad Rizki Febriani, Herlan Fendy E Wahyudi, Fendy E Fendy E. Wahyudi Fendy Eko Wahyudi, Fendy Eko Firdausia Zeta Abidin Francis Lydia Irene Sitompul Gala Panuga Azis Gala Panuga Azis, Gala Panuga Ginting, Tirsa Kristiani Br Giuliani Agustha Namora Giuliani Agustha Namora, Giuliani Agustha Halimah, Ika Nur Hermini Susetianingsih, Hermini Hermini Susiatiningsih Hermini Susiatiningsih Hermini Susiatiningsih Hermini Susitianingsih, Hermini Iffah Permata Sari, Iffah Permata Ika Riswanti Putranti Ilyas, Maulana Muhammad Ines Florence Tabita Hutauruk Itsnaini Dewayanti Jamal, Cici Afriani Jhanna Baitiez Rezqi, Jhanna Baitiez Jovita Aditya Putri Jovita Aditya Putri, Jovita Aditya Kevin Rendra Pratama Larissa Amelinda Soeryana M Yaser Arafat M Yaser Arafat, M Yaser Maharani Alvionita Richie Mediana Maharani Alvionita Richie Mediana, Maharani Alvionita Mandaratri, Bidara Palupi Marsanda Aulia Marten Hanura, Marten Mayangsari, Safira Mutia Mikael Witarka Misliharira Shaumi Putri Mohamad Rosyidin Muhammad Subhan Nadia Farabi, Nadia Nadila, Kania Farisa Nasution, Fahmi Hawari Noor Fathia Rizky Irawan Noor Fathia Rizky Irawan, Noor Fathia Pandanarum , Antika Sukma Purba, Ribka Indriani Putri, Misliharira Shaumi Rahmah Rahmah Reni Windiani Reni Windiani Renni Novia Saputri Gumay, Renni Novia Ribka Cimeta Ribka Cimeta, Ribka Riyanti, Anung Rr. Hermini S, Rr. Hermini Rully Rahadian Safna Putri Purba Shary Charlotte H.P, Shary Charlotte Sheiffi Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi Sigit Wiranto Silitonga, Christian Sitompul, Francis Lydia Irene Soeryana, Larissa Amelinda Sri Widodo Agung Suedy Stefani Gestananda Widiastari Stefani Gestananda Widiastari, Stefani Gestananda Sunarno Sunarno Suryadi, Muhammad Syntia Devi Larasati, Syntia Devi Tiolina, Jessica Tri Cahya Utama Tri Cahyo Utomo Tri Cahyo Utomo Valentina Dea Ramadhani, Valentina Dea Vera Tesalonika Manik Victoria Amandani Santoso Wibowo, Beatrix Franscya Egidia Saraswati Widiartanto Widiartanto Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho Yemima Galih Pradipta Yemima Galih Pradipta Yudistira Panduwinata Yudistira Panduwinata, Yudistira Zefanya Yolanda Siegers, Zefanya Yolanda