Satwika Paramasatya, Satwika
Department Of International Relations Universitas Diponegoro Jl. Prof. Sudarto, SH, Tembalang, Semarang, Indonesia 50275

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Perang Teknologi Amerika Serikat vs Tiongkok: Kebijakan Penolakan Teknologi 5G Huawei Tiongkok oleh Amerika Serikat Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The technology war between the United States and China is a struggle for dominance in core global technology, one of which is the 5G Internet Network. This has resulted in an escalation of conflict between the United States as a great power and China due to China's policy of rejecting Huawei's 5G internet technology. Therefore, this study aims to determine the factors and explain the reasons for the United States Government's rejection of China's 5G Huawei technology, and to find out how the United States' strategy is in China's hegemony efforts in the economic aspect with global technological mastery. The theory used by the author to analyze this research is the theory of offensive realism by using five assumptions according to Mearsheimer. The result of this study is that the United States as a Great Power wants to aggressively dominate China through Huawei's 5G Internet rejection policy. This is because the United States can increase its power over the control of 5G Internet Technology and strengthen China's economy, as well as ensure the strengthening of the United States' capability in the distribution of power in the international structure
Quadruple Helix Collaboration in Efforts to Fulfill Human Security in Kemijen Village, Semarang City Satwika Paramasatya; Yemima Galih Pradipta; Kevin Rendra Pratama; Desy Ramadhani
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 17 No. 2 (2021): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4699.219-238

Abstract

Human security is very vital for humans. Initially, security was defined as freedom from war. However, over time it began to shift into a broad and collective concept of security. The United Nations established three important pillars of Human Security, namely: freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live in dignity. The implementation of compliance with Human Security is complex and not simple. This paper argues that the Triple Helix model, the position of society is neglected because they are only positioned as an object where they should also be the one who play an active role as actors. Therefore, a new breakthrough is needed in the effort to fulfill Human Security in Kemijen Village, Semarang City through the Quadruple Helix concept that involves government, business, academics and the community. This study uses a descriptive-qualitative approach by combining literature studies and interviews. The Quadruple Helix is basically a collaboration between top-down and bottom-up approaches, and this study proves that the Quadruple Helix model is utmost important, because the solutions are more well-targeted and meet the needs of the community. The Quadruple Helix model also allowed the people of Kemijen Village to be involved to become subjects through Focus Group Discussion.
Naval Diplomacy: Upaya Defensif Indonesia dalam Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan di Era Joko Widodo Satwika Paramasatya; Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14027

Abstract

The conflict involving many countries in the South China Sea has notended nor subsided. Regional tension and claims between countries areincreasing and Indonesia participates in this round of conflict. As theworld’s largest archipelagic country and an ASEAN member country thatupholds peace, security and regional stability, Indonesia then has to playan active role in the conflict. In order to do so, Indonesia is using navaldiplomacy as a way to achieve effective conflict resolution within theregion. Regarding the phenomenon, this study used the concept of seapower and naval diplomacy to explain measures that have been taken bythe Indonesian government under Joko Widodo’s presidency in resolvingthe conflicts involving its territories in the South China Sea. The author’sanalysis showed that Indonesia’s policies of using naval diplomacy in theSouth China Sea conflict have a positive and effective outcome in achievingconflict resolution and peace condition that has been confined by longtermobstacles and challenges.
Konfrontasi Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) Satwika Paramasatya; Sigit Wiranto
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14047

Abstract

Iran Nuclear Agreement or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)was the result of diplomatic negotiations achieved by the United States,United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, Germany, and Iran in 2015. Thenewly elected president of the United States Donald Trump brought newpolicies to the Iran’s nuclear issue. On May 8, 2018 The US governmentunilaterally withdraw themselves from the JCPOA agreement anddecided to reimpose the sanctions for Iran. This research tries to analyzewhy the US changed its policy to withdraw from the nuclear agreement byusing analytic eclecticism, with the combination of the security dilemmaand cognitive consistency theory. The result of this research shows thatthe US’ withdrawal from JCPOA psychologically caused by Trump’scognitive consistency. He thought that Iran’s nuclear agreement is a badand unreliable agreement because under this nuclear agreement, US andits allies still feel the security dilemma. Therefore, it pushed Trump toincrease the pressure to Iran by withdrawing themselves from the nuclearagreement.
Kompetisi Diplomasi: Taiwan (ROC) versus Tiongkok (PRC) di Kepulauan Solomon tahun 2016-2019 Victoria Amandani Santoso; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2021): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v14i1.32337

Abstract

The relationship between China and Taiwan is on enduring rivalry for the lastfive decades regarding their identity, territory, and national sovereignty. FromChina’s perspective, Taiwan is an inseparable part of Mainland China, thereforeevery forms of self independence are not accepted. Meanwhile from Taiwan’sperspective, it is a sovereign state that doesn’t abide to “One China, Two System”principle. The competition of those two often involves diplomacy to obtain formalrecognition from other countries to maintain its legitimacy and rights as astate. On September 2019, Solomon Island, which had been in relationship for36 years with Taiwan, decided to change its formal recognition and supportedChina. The author uses Joseph Nye Jr’s Soft Power Theory with library researchdata collection methods and congruent data analysis methods. This paper aimsto analyze the form of Taiwan and China policies through the concept of softpower and understanding the influence of those two countries’ policies to thedecision of the Solomon Island. The results proves that China’s soft power is superiorto Taiwan’s soft power from the perspective of Solomon Islands.
Kompetisi Diplomasi: Taiwan (ROC) versus Tiongkok (PRC) di Kepulauan Solomon tahun 2016-2019 Victoria Amandani Santoso; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2021): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v14i2.32340

Abstract

The relationship between China and Taiwan is on enduring rivalry for the lastfive decades regarding their identity, territory, and national sovereignty. FromChina’s perspective, Taiwan is an inseparable part of Mainland China, thereforeevery forms of self independence are not accepted. Meanwhile from Taiwan’sperspective, it is a sovereign state that doesn’t abide to “One China, Two System”principle. The competition of those two often involves diplomacy to obtain formalrecognition from other countries to maintain its legitimacy and rights as astate. On September 2019, Solomon Island, which had been in relationship for36 years with Taiwan, decided to change its formal recognition and supportedChina. The author uses Joseph Nye Jr’s Soft Power Theory with library researchdata collection methods and congruent data analysis methods. This paper aimsto analyze the form of Taiwan and China policies through the concept of softpower and understanding the influence of those two countries’ policies to thedecision of the Solomon Island. The results proves that China’s soft power is superiorto Taiwan’s soft power from the perspective of Solomon Islands.
The Dynamics of the Constellation in East Asia: Japan's Response towards Changes of the Regional Status-quo Post-Panmunjom Declaration Satwika Paramasatya; Yemima Galih Pradipta
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 2 (2019): March - August 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (426.732 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i2.794

Abstract

Security is an important aspect for a state. In particular, regional security plays important role in influencing state policies and actions. This paper departs from the High Level meeting between South Korea and North Korea in April 2018 which then produces an output in the form of peace agreement, the Panmunjom Declaration. The declaration has different impact to Japan, because it becomes the turning point of the status-quo in the East Asia region. Relations between states are generally driven and motivated by interests rather than the shared identity. This paper aims to analyze the actions and responses of Japan as a pacifist state towards the changes in the constellation of East Asia relations after the Panmunjom Declaration. In the end of this paper, it is concluded that what happened in the East Asia region is accordance to the concept of classical realism theory. The Panmunjom Declaration surely is an international event marked as turning point of East Asia regional status-quo, but could not be claimed as the main factor to drive Japan revising article 9. However, Japan's alertness towards North Korea remains same. Even though it is not the main factor, but the Panmunjom Declaration made Japan interprets its position differently in East Asia, and has influenced Shinzo Abe's narrative to further strive for the revision agenda to be realized immediately.
Peran Penjaga Perdamaian Wanita dalam Proses Bina-Damai: Studi Kasus Operasi Perdamaian Monusco Satwika Paramasatya
Global South Review Vol 2, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28851

Abstract

Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) is known as an instrument used by the United Nations to create peace in countries affected by conflict. Peacekeeping operations work as a mediator for the parties of the conflict and to ensure that violence no longer exists in the peace process. Once peace is achieved, peace operations are expected to remain involved in the peace building process. At first, men played a very dominant role in peacekeeping operations. Even so, women have been more involved in peace operations nowadays. It can be seen from the increasing number of female members of peacekeeping operations. This paper will discuss the role of women in contributing to the peace building process that occur in the MONUSCO operation in Congo. Congo was chosen because MONUSCO has the highest female members compared to other peacekeeping operations. The research was conducted by using explanatory method to analyze the role of women in peacekeeping operation using parameters such as the implementation of the mandate, the consistency of the implementation of Capstone Doctrine, DDR (Disarmament, demobilization, Reintegration), and CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation). The result indicated that women tend to have positive influences towards peace building process in peacekeeping operations judging from the fulfillment of the mandate and the implementation of programs that support the peacekeeping operation itself.
Kebijakan Amerika Serikat Menyetujui Perjanjian Perdamaian dengan Taliban dan Penarikan Pasukan Amerika Serikat dari Afghanistan di Masa Kepemimpinan Donald Trump Safna Putri Purba; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The war between the United States and the Taliban has entered two decades. The US eventually dispatched representatives to negotiate with the Taliban. President Donald Trump has also directed that his troops leave Afghan territory at regular intervals. The negotiation process between the US and the Taliban was tense, but an agreement was eventually reached. Both parties signed the peace agreement in Doha, Qatar, on February 29, 2020. As such, why did the United States, under President Donald Trump's leadership, reach a peace agreement with the Taliban and withdraw American troops from Afghanistan? The purpose of this study is to explain his study employs explanatory research and neoclassical realism theory to identify the factors that influence foreign policy. The result of this study is that the United States' policy to make peace with the Taliban and withdrawal from Afghanistan is the influence of NATO and explains by domestic influence the perception of Trump towards the conflict in Afghanistan.
Dibalik Model Kerja Fast Fashion: Pengaruh Inditex Terhadap Eksploitasi Buruh Garmen di Bangladesh Mikael Witarka; Mohamad Rosyidin; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The shift in the fashion world which is increasingly popular has prompted a Spanish company, Inditex, to implement a fast fashion work model. This work model is then implemented by Inditex through investment and technology transfer to developing countries such as Bangladesh. However, this work model is prone to labor exploitation and actually creates dependence and backwardness for Bangladesh itself. This research will use Dependency Theory. The method used in this study is a qualitative research with data collection techniques used is the literature study method. So this study tries to prove that the work model that Inditex runs actually creates state dependence and underdevelopment of garment workers in Bangladesh. The result of this research is that Inditex actually maintains Bangladesh's dependence on the fashion company, Inditex's actions are full of injustice but on the other hand Bangladesh needs foreign capital assistance from Inditex to help thecountry's economy.
Co-Authors Abidin, Firdausia Zeta Adityani, Fiandara Dwi Amni Z. Rahman Andi Akhmad Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad Andiny, Maudy Miya Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta Atri Yuniar Nimas Amasti, Atri Yuniar Aulia, Marsanda Aulianisa Rahma Dyah Rusyadi Bayu Pradika Bima Adistya Br. Ginting Manik, Junita Yolanda Brian Bintang Purbokusumo, Brian Bintang Budi Sutrisno, Kharisma Fatiratri Cahyanti, Putri Candra Yanuarizki, Candra Cesarani Rilistya, Cesarani Claudia Syarifah, Claudia Desy Ramadhani Dewayanti, Itsnaini Dewi Ayu Wulandari, Dewi Ayu Dira Permata Sari, Dira Permata DWI RAMADHANI Fakhriza Naufal Rakin Fauzan, Muchammad Rizki Febriani, Herlan Fendy E Wahyudi, Fendy E Fendy E. Wahyudi Gala Panuga Azis, Gala Panuga Ginting, Tirsa Kristiani Br Giuliani Agustha Namora, Giuliani Agustha Hermini Susetianingsih, Hermini Hermini Susiatiningsih Hermini Susitianingsih, Hermini Iffah Permata Sari, Iffah Permata Ika Riswanti Putranti Ilyas, Maulana Muhammad Ines Florence Tabita Hutauruk Jamal, Cici Afriani Jhanna Baitiez Rezqi, Jhanna Baitiez Jovita Aditya Putri, Jovita Aditya Kevin Rendra Pratama M Yaser Arafat, M Yaser Maharani Alvionita Richie Mediana, Maharani Alvionita Mandaratri, Bidara Palupi Marten Hanura, Marten Mayangsari, Safira Mutia Mikael Witarka Mohamad Rosyidin Nadia Farabi, Nadia Nadila, Kania Farisa Nasution, Fahmi Hawari Noor Fathia Rizky Irawan, Noor Fathia Purba, Ribka Indriani Putri, Misliharira Shaumi Rahmah Rahmah Reni Windiani Renni Novia Saputri Gumay, Renni Novia Ribka Cimeta, Ribka Riyanti, Anung Rr. Hermini S, Rr. Hermini Rully Rahadian Safna Putri Purba Shary Charlotte H.P, Shary Charlotte Sheiffi Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi Sigit Wiranto Silitonga, Christian Sitompul, Francis Lydia Irene Soeryana, Larissa Amelinda Sri Widodo Agung Suedy Stefani Gestananda Widiastari, Stefani Gestananda Sunarno Sunarno Suryadi, Muhammad Syntia Devi Larasati, Syntia Devi Tiolina, Jessica Tri Cahya Utama Tri Cahyo Utomo Valentina Dea Ramadhani, Valentina Dea Vera Tesalonika Manik Victoria Amandani Santoso Wibowo, Beatrix Franscya Egidia Saraswati Widiartanto Widiartanto Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho Yemima Galih Pradipta Yemima Galih Pradipta Yudistira Panduwinata, Yudistira Zefanya Yolanda Siegers, Zefanya Yolanda