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IMPLIKASI RIVALITAS AMERIKA SERIKAT – REPUBLIK RAKYAT CHINA TERHADAP POSISI KEDAULATAN INDONESIA (Studi Kasus pada Dinamika Konflik Klaim Wilayah Laut Cina Selatan) Rendy Adiwilaga; Prasta Kusumah; Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa
Aliansi Vol 2, No 1 (2023): Aliansi : Jurnal Politik, Keamanan Dan Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/aliansi.v2i1.44641

Abstract

Pasca usainya perang dingin dan runtuhnya Uni Soviet, Amerika Serikat sebagai kekuatan tunggal yang tersisa diramalkan menjadi satu-satunya kekuatan yang mendominasi kekuatan politik dan ekonomi global selama beberapa dekade setelahnya. Namun, internalisasi dan konsolidasi matang RRC sejak dekade 1970-an nyatanya pelan-pelan mematahkan asumsi AS sebagai adidaya tunggal. Perlahan bahkan China menggeser AS sebagai poros utama ekonomi dunia seiring dinamika politik internal AS yang kurang begitu stabil selama beberapa dasawarsa terakhir. Kedua negara tersebut bahkan dalam beberapa kesempatan secara terbuka memperlihatkan ketegangan akibat gesekan-gesekan diplomatik dan perebutan hegemoni di wilayah-wilayah konflik. Salah satu hotspot yang juga menjadi arena pertarungan kedua negara ini ialah klaim wilayah Laut Cina Selatan. Laut Cina Selatan menjadi “komoditi” strategis karena banyak menyimpan cadangan mineral besar serta sumber kekayaan laut yang melimpah, sehingga klaim wilayah banyak melibatkan negara-negara sekitar seperti halnya China, Vietnam, Thailand, dan beberapa wilayah satelit termasuk di dalamnya Indonesia. Indonesia sebagai salah satu wilayah yang menjadi Choke Point dua samudera besar yakni Hindia dan Pasifik juga menjadi salah satu negara yang terdampak akibat memanasnya ketegangan dua negara tersebut. Pada akhirnya, proxy war di berbagai bidang menjadi implikasi yang paling berdampak jika konflik dua negara besar tersebut terus memanjang selama beberapa tahun ke depan. After the end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States as the sole remaining power was predicted to be the only power that dominated global political and economic power for decades afterwards. However, the internalization and consolidation of the PRC since the 1970s in fact slowly broke the assumption of the US as the sole superpower. Slowly, China has even shifted the US as the main axis of the world economy as the US internal political dynamics have been less stable over the past few decades. The two countries have even on several occasions openly shown tensions due to diplomatic friction and the struggle for hegemony in conflict areas. One hotspot that has also become an arena for the two countries to fight is the South China Sea claim. The South China Sea has become a strategic "commodity" because it holds large mineral reserves and abundant marine resources so many territorial Indonesia as one of the regions that are the Choke Point of two large oceans, namely the Indian and Pacific, is also one of the countries affected by the heating up of tensions between the two countries. At the end, proxy war becomes the most impactful implication in all aspects if the conflict between the two major countries continues to extend over the next few years.
Politik Asik: Upaya Edukasi Politik menggunakan Media Board Game Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa; Rafif Sakti Utama; Caroline Paskarina; Mudiyati Rahmatunnisa; Ari Ganjar Herdiansah
Jurnal SOLMA Vol. 13 No. 1 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Prof. DR. Hamka (UHAMKA Press)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22236/solma.v13i1.14405

Abstract

Background: The fast development of technology demands adjustments in political education. The "Politik Asik" community service programme is a political education effort that combines board games and learning media. This approach aims to improve political literacy and critical thinking skills, especially among young voters and women in welcoming the 2024 political year. Method: Politik Asik collaborates with various communities, PKK, high school students and village officials. With a political education model through board game media, fifty participants from each category, namely the youth and women categories. Result: Through analytical observations, the results show that this programme succeeded in increasing participants' political interest and participation, as well as developing better political literacy and critical thinking skills. The strength of the programme is its ability to attract participants' attention and create an interactive learning experience. Conclusion: This service activity confirms the importance of developing innovative political education methods to strengthen the participation of young voters and women, which in turn supports a stronger democracy in Indonesia.
BETWEEN MILITARY AND ENVIRONMENTAL DEMOCRACY: Looking at The Citarum Military Task Force through The Concept of Environmental Democracy Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah; Pane, Dini Gabriella Debora; Tedy, Alifia; Amelia, Diva Aura
CosmoGov: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2023)
Publisher : Department of Government, FISIP, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/cosmogov.v9i2.45740

Abstract

The status of pollution and damage in the Citarum River Basin (DAS) is considered to be critical.  In the effort to accelerate and continue the control of the Citarum River Watershed, there are indications that the government does not involve the community and only relies on the role of the military. This study aims to see where the military and civilian actors fit into the concept of environmental democracy. This study uses a qualitative approach to achieve a comprehensive theoretical analysis of environmental democracy. The results of this study show that the existence of the military role in the Citarum Harum Task Force has yet to be well implemented by the ranks of the Citarum Harum task force. The military’s dominance appears too strong throughout Citarum Harum's activities. There are indications of power imbalance in civil-military relations, which posed threats to civil rights. The involvement of the military dominates almost all aspects of the Citarum watershed policymaking. Therefore, for the sake of democracy, the military role should be reduced to make optimal public participation. 
TINJAUAN KRITIS POPULISME DI INDONESIA, ANTARA GAGASAN ATAU CARA BARU SIRKULASI ELIT? Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah
JISIPOL | Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 3 No. 1 (2019): JISIPOL Edisi Bulan Januari 2019 | Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP UNIBBA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (583.713 KB)

Abstract

Perubahan politik Indonesia bergerak ke arah penguatan aktor dengan munculnya pemimpinpemimpin populis yang diharapkan mampu membawa perubahan kehidupan masyarakat. Kesadaran mengenai kekuasaan merupakan hal inheren dalam diri manusia ditunjang dengan adanya kesempatan berkuasa melalui Pemilihan Umum sebagai bagian dari prasyarat demokrasi, menjadi pintu masuk bagi para aktor populis untuk bisa berada dalam sistem. Tulisan ini melihat bagaimana dan seberapa jauh kemungkinan populisme menjadi sebuah gagasan untuk menjawab kebutuhan mencapai negara kesejahteraan ataukah populisme hanya sebatas cara baru meraih kekuasaan politik yang artinya sebuah alasan terjadinya sirkulasi elit semata. The Changing in Indonesian political moving towards strengthening the actor with the emergence of populist leaders who are expected to bring a change in society. Awareness of power is inherent in man and supported by the opportunity to extant the power through democratic elections, as an entrance for the populist to be able in the system. This article discusses how and to what extent the possibility of populism become the ideology to fulfill the needs of welfare state or it is only a new way to reach political power which means just a reason for an elite sirculation mechanism. Keywords: Populism, Democracy, Elite Sirculation
Menyoal Branding Kabupaten Bandung sebagai Daerah Religius dan Sejahtera melalui Program Incentive Guru Ngaji Tahun 2021-2022 Adiwilaga, Rendy; Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah; Ikhsan, Teja Nur
JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance and Political UMA) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2024): JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/jppuma.v12i1.11463

Abstract

Along with the election of Dadang Supriatna-Sahrul Gunawan as the elected Regent and Vice Regent of Bandung, both prioritized Bandung Regency as a religious and prosperous area as stated in their vision. One of the manifestations of this vision is the Incentive program. Ngaji teachers in the Bandung Regency area. The Ngaji Teacher Incentive Program is in principle one of the flagship programs of Regent Dadang Supriatna, during his campaign for the candidacy for Regent of Bandung Regency, where when he was elected, the implementation of the policy was then fully submitted to the Bandung Regency Regional Government through the basis of Perbup No. 51 of 2021 concerning Guidelines for Providing Ngaji Teacher Incentives and specifically, the implementor is the Education Office. The Quranic Teacher Incentive Program is targeted at religious educators in Bandung Regency with the aim of improving the welfare of Quranic teachers as religious educators by providing monthly incentives in the form of non-cash transfer funds as well as funds for BPJS Health and BPJS Employment. 17,000 Koranic teachers in Bandung Regency in the process then became the target beneficiaries of the incentive money assistance. There are 23,000 Quranic teachers in Bandung district, and the government has budgeted Rp 109 billion for Quranic teacher incentive assistance. The results of the study show that the implementing committee officers involved in implementing the Koranic Teacher Incentive Program policy have not implemented the policy optimally. The lack of optimal policy implementation is motivated by the lack of selectivity of the sub-district and village parties in implementing the policy, resulting in pros and cons and social jealousy. In addition, there are also differences regarding the nominal incentive money given according to members of the Dinas and village officials. In this Quranic teacher incentive program, it can also be concluded that economic conditions are the most important influence in the implementation of the Quranic Teacher Incentive Program. Because if there is no financial resource support, the financial resources, the Quranic Teacher Incentive Program will not be implemented.
E-DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA: USE OF SOCIAL MEDIA AND CHALLENGES IN ENCOURAGING YOUTH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah; Utama, Rafif Sakti; Andalus, Mutia Kartika
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 9, No 1 (2024): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) January
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v9i1.52775

Abstract

A survey released by CSIS in September 2022 showed an increase in internet access for young voters from 2018 to 2022. The survey release showed a significant increase in access to social media as a source of information for young voters 19.5 per cent. Moreover, the CSIS survey found a condition where the interest of young Indonesians is currently very low in politics. On the other hand, hoaxes and misinformation can threaten young voters if they are not equipped with adequate political literacy and understanding. This desk study research was conducted to get an explanation from existing literature of how to utilise social media as a medium for the development of e-democracy amidst young people’s antipathy towards politics. Healthy social media free from intervention and arbitrariness of government policies can be a medium for young people’s political participation to foster e-democracy. The results of the desk study show that social media is possibly a means of political participation for youth and at the same time provides space for the growth of e-democracy with the prerequisite that the government is not abusive and offensive towards the use of digital media in Indonesia. This shows empirically that growing e-democracy needs not only a technological medium but a regime policy that supports e-democracy because digital media has become a living space attached to today’s young generation.
MUSICAL THEATER AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS: ANALYSIS OF ENVIRONMENTAL DISCOURSES IN “DPR – MUSIKAL” (2021) Sulaeman, Kirana Mahdiah; Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 9, No 2 (2024): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) May
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v9i2.50352

Abstract

“DPR - Musikal” is a highly acclaimed and ambitious musical theater video created by SkinnyIndonesian24 (Jovial da Lopez & Andovi da Lopez) that features a compelling environmental message. This piece depicts the contested meaning of nature and how it is influenced by different interests in the DPR. This research will examine the environmental politics discourses present in “DPR - Musikal” as an artistic creation that establishes a connection between environmental concerns and the notion of power. The research employed a qualitative approach and utilized Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) by Norman Fairclough. Data was gathered through video transcripts, direct interviews with informants (Jovial da Lopez), and additional documents. This research identifies two discourses in the piece: (1) sustainable development which reconciles the objectives of development agenda and environmental conservation, and (2) anti-capitalism which is identified through the narratives of land privatization, natural resources exploitation, and capitalism’s dominance in policymaking within the Indonesian parliament. These two discourses represent contrasting political thoughts, hence confirming incohesive solutions to the environmental problems. Although the producers condemn the dominance of business power and the exploitation of nature, they do not present a radical opposition to capitalism. Instead, they exhibit a lenient stance towards the development agenda, thus exemplifying the dominant influence of capitalist ideology within the musical theater production.
ANALISIS SWOT STRATEGI PEMERINTAH DAERAH KABUPATEN BANDUNG DALAM PENANGANAN KONFLIK HORIZONTAL ORGANISASI MASYARAKAT DI KABUPATEN BANDUNG Rendy Adiwilaga; mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa; Kansah Eka Permana
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9 No 2 (2023): Mei 2023
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v9i2.2868

Abstract

Mass or Community Organizations (Ormas) in principle represent an established and healthy democratic life, because the existence of mass organizations is included in the category of freedom of association and assembly for the community. Unfortunately, many Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are involved in conflicts of interest which lead to open violence, including the Bandung Regency which has a fairly high productivity of CSO establishments. This study uses a SWOT analysis which contains the variables of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, and a qualitative method with a case study approach. The results of the study show that from the aspect of strength, the local government is represented by Kesbangpol as a work unit that has direct contact with Ormas, the first of which is support from "sides" in coaching, namely the TNI and POLRI. There is full control over the distribution of grant funds from the Government of Bandung Regency. Meanwhile, the weaknesses are the minimum number and quality of human resources who intensely accompany CSOs resulting in a lack of oversight, and many CSO leaders do not know the function of Kesbangpol. In fact, in terms of opportunities, the community has intensively used social media so they can carry out surveillance at any time, plus every mass organization has strong militancy, which is useful in terms of program mobilization if the mass organization knows about Kesbangpol's existence. With regard to threats, it is possible for mass organizations to not consider the existence of the Kesbangpol and Regional Government so that conflict escalations between mass organizations are increasing
STRATEGI KEMENTERIAN AGAMA DALAM MENEKAN PENYEBARAN PAHAM RADIKALISME AGAMA DI LINGKUP PENDIDIKAN MADRASAH ‘ALIYAH KABUPATEN BANDUNG Rendy Adiwilaga; Nia Tresnawati Muchtar; , Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10 No 2 (2024): Mei 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v10i2.3914

Abstract

This research is motivated by the rampant phenomenon of religious radicalism movements in educational institutions, especially religious educational institutions as the realm of education that is most vulnerable to being infiltrated by religious radicalism movements. These expressions can be seen from the prohibition of flag salute, ceremonies as acts that rest and so on that arise from the dynamics of extracurricular organisations. This research captures the Ministry of Religious Affairs' strategy in dealing with the spread of radicalism in the Madrasah Aliyah schools in the Bandung Regency. The results show that in the aspect of determining goals and objectives, the Bandung Regency Ministry of Religious Affairs, as stated in its vision, has the aim of suppressing the spread of radicalism and spreading moderation in religion, both to students and the community. In terms of policy formulation, or other words, programmes, the Ministry of Religious Affairs of Bandung Regency, together with madrasahs such as Aliyah in its working area, set three important strategies for suppressing the spread of radicalism. The first is the cultivation of the value of religious moderation, then the formation of an anti-radicalism cyber team coupled with an anti-drug cyber team, and finally a comprehensive consolidation by involving various religious organizations, religious leaders, and related parties in its efforts to suppress the Islamic radicalism movement in the education environment; Finally, related to operationalisation, unfortunately only the religious moderation program is intensely implemented, namely through technical guidance to teachers and seminars conducted for students. In addition, there is training in curriculum formulation through insertion material to counteract radicalism.
PEMBERDAYAAN WILAYAH PERBATASAN NEGARA UNTUK MEMPERKUAT PERTAHAHAN NEGARA Djuyandi, Yusa; Mustofa, Mustabsyirotul Ummah; Husin, Luthfi H.; Iriansyah, Moch Nurdi; Fajarudin, Arif
Paradigma POLISTAAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 5 No. 2 (2022): Paradigma POLISTAAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Pasundan Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23969/paradigmapolistaat.v5i2.6613

Abstract

Indonesia has a doctrine of the universal people's defence system (Sishanrata), which of it can be seen from the support of civil society in national defence. Civil society's support for national defence and national security can be seen from the perspective of civil-military relations in border areas. TNI and civil society communication in strengthening national resilience seek to provide a broader understanding of the importance of harmonious and strong civil-military relations in border areas, especially in this case in the Natuna region, Riau Islands as the outermost area of the state border. Cooperation between various stakeholders in border areas is required to improve synergistic relations between civil-military in dealing with threats in border areas. Thus, civil society is expected to have an active role in guarding border sovereignty. In addition, the TNI also needs to have good social communication skills with civil society as a supporting component of national defence in border areas. It is necessary to collaborate and cooperate between the TNI and civil society on an ongoing basis in Indonesia's border areas to provide benefits to the people at the border and contribute to efforts to strengthen national defence.
Co-Authors Abdul Ghafar, Nur Alia Elyna Abdul Wahab, Intan Nur Amira Ahmad Mikail Amelia, Diva Aura Andalus, Mutia Kartika Ari Ganjar Herdiansah Asharudin, Erynnadiyah Nuraisyah Aulia, Muhammad Ridlo Azizi, Muhammad Afiq Irfan Mohd Azizi, Nur Qistina Sarah Bima Riandy Tarigan Brahmantika, Shafa Ghaisani Salsabila Caroline Paskarina Fadiyah Matni Nurdini Fadiyah Matni Nurdini Fajarudin, Arif Firmansyah, Muhammad Andi Habib Yudha Pratama Haqq, Maisarah Azani Fadli Abdul Hendra Hendra Husin, Luthfi H. Ibrahim, Nur Hamizah Ikhsan, Teja Nur Iriansyah, Moch Nurdi Jamri, Mohamad Hafifi Jian Ayune Sundul Langit Kania Tresna Dewi Kansah Eka Permana Karmeta Syahwan Nurfadillah Kirana Mahdiah Sulaeman Kirana Mahdiah Sulaeman Kirana Sulaeman Kusmana, Mochamad Attur Mehta Luthfi Hamzah Husin M. Diva Kafila Raudya Mohd Norizam, Wan Anas Hadirah Mudiyati Rahmatunnisa Mudiyati Rahmatunnisa Muhamad Diva Kafila Raudya Muhammad Arief Virgy Muhammad Nurdi Iriansyah Muhammad Ridlo Aulia Nia Tresnawati Muchtar Nigitama, Rahsya Nor Hafizam, Erie Nur Fatihah Nurfadillah, Karmeta Syahwan Pane, Dini Gabriella Debora Prasta Kusumah Pratama, Habib Yudha Pupoes Biworo Rafif Sakti Utama Rafifah, Azura Marha Rahmah Ramadhani Ramadhani, Rahmah Ramlan, Aini Faezah Ratnia Solihah Rendy Adiwilaga Rosianawati, Alya Sari, Meliyana Shafa Ghaisani Salsabila Brahmantika Siti Witianti Suhaini, Zaidatul Insyirah Sulaeman, Kirana Mahdiah Tarigan, Bima Riandy Tedy, Alifia Utama, Rafif Sakti Yusa Djuyandi Zailani, Muhammad Hafiez Zulhakim Zalzabila, Avrilia