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<![CDATA[PEMAKNAAN SURAT KEPUTUSAN YANG BERSIFAT DEKLARATIF DAN KONSTITUTIF (IMPLIKASI SK MENKUMHAM TENTANG PENGESAHAN PERUBAHAN ANGGARAN DASAR RUMAH TANGGA SERTA KOMPOSISI DAN PERSONALIA DEWAN PIMPINAN PUSAT GOLONGAN KARYA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Kajian Hukum Vol 2, No 2 (2017): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Janabadra ]]>
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<![CDATA[Beschikking sebagai instrumen pemerintahan yang bersifat individual konkrit dan final pada pengejawantahannya seringkali menimbulkan problem hingga berujung pada konflik yang harus diselesaikan di Peradilan Tata Usaha Negara (PTUN). Problem perbedaan pemaknaan mengenai Keputusan Tata Usaha Negara (KTUN) baik KTUN yang bersifat konstitutif maupun deklaratif telah terjadi dalam suatu kasus nyata yang kita kenal dengan kisruh internal partai politik Golongan Karya (Golkar) pada tahun 2015, saling tuding klaim kepengurusan yang sah hingga berujung penyelesaian konflik di Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara Jakarta, klaim keabsahan Keputusan Tata Usaha Negara ini sudah semestinya menyangkut Menteri Hukum dan HAM (Menkumham) sebagai pejabat yang berwenang mengeluarkan Surat Keputusan tersebut.Penelitian yang berjudul “Pemaknaan Surat Keputusan yang Bersifat Deklaratif dan Konstitusif (Implikasi Surat Keputusan Menteri Hukum dan HAM tentang Pengesahan Anggaran Dasar Rumah Tangga serta Komposisi dan Personalia Dewan Pimpinan Pusat dan Golongan Karya)” ini bertujuan untuk merumuskan, menganalisis dan menjelaskan mengenai pemaknaan terhadap Keputusan Tata Usaha Negara yang berakibat hukum. Tujuan selanjutnya adalah merumuskan, menganalisis dan menjelaskan mengenai implikasi hukum kepengurusan Partai Golongan Karya pasca Putusan Mahkamah Agung Nomor 490/K/TUN/2015. Tipe penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian yuridis normatif. Penelitian ini dilakukan di kota Jakarta dan Semarang (Jawa Tengah) dengan melakukan studi pustaka dan kasus-kasus yang berhubungan dengan pemaknaan surat keputusan yang bersifat konstitutif dan deklaratif. Lokasi kongkrit yang dianggap relevan dengan substansi penelitian adalah di Mahkamah Agung, Peradilan Tata Usaha Negara Jakarta, DPP Partai Golkar DKI Jakarta, DPD Partai Golkar Jawa Tengah dengan melakukan wawancara dan interview mengenai masalah yang dikaji secara mendalam.Menkumham sebagai pihak pemerintah yang semestinya mempertanggungjawabkan tindakan hukumnya ketika mengeluarkan suatu surat keputusan untuk salah satu pihak, semestinya memperhatikan fakta yang terjadi pada permasalahan internal partai tersebut, kekurang hati-hatian tindakan hukum Menkumham pun akan berakibat hukum. Kekurangcermatan nampak ketika Menkumham kurang hati-hati menetapkan kepengurusan yang sah tanpa memperhatikan forum keputusan tertinngi dari parpol Golkar yakni Munaslub (Bali), Kewenangan yang melekat pada jabatan Menkumham ketika megeluarkan surat keputusan yang bersifat deklaratif menimbulkan spekulasi pertanyaan mengenai kelayakan Surat Keputusan tersebut sebagai objek sengketa TUN untuk dapat diuji di PTUN, ditambah makin pelik dengan ketidakpastian hukum dari Menkumham yang enggan menetapkan pihak yang dianggap sebagai pengurus partai Golkar yang sah pasca putusan Mahkamah Agung (MA).]]>
<![CDATA[Hukum Demokrasi Dalam Pelaksanaan Pilpres Dan Pilkada Pada Negara Sistem Presidensial ]]>
<![CDATA[Destina Balqis Anggiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Ruth Shelomita]]>;
<![CDATA[Dhamara Kusuma Swastika P]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Katolik Widya Karya Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.303
<![CDATA[. In the practice of democratic state administration, the presidential election and regional head elections are certainly one of the country's focuses in the future to find leaders who will take care of this nation, of course it is hoped that the elected leaders are leaders who really carry out this great mandate as well as possible. Based on the choice of the community, this leader will be elected through the democratic system of elections, but there are still many problems that often occur in its implementation. The purpose of this research is to analyze the law of democracy in the implementation of presidential and regional elections in a presidential system country. This research method is normative juridical research with the basis of research using a statutory approach. The results of this study are that the Presidential System, especially in Indonesia, is still often weakened by the provisions of public office and the constitution on the powers of the head of state and the law, supervision in the general election system must certainly be carried out as cleanly as possible in order to create leaders who really have high integrity.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Penundaan Pelaksanaan Pemilu Yang Melanggar Sistem Konstitusi Di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Dinita Ardiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Rayhan Nizam Mahendra]]>;
<![CDATA[Febyola Alistya Senoaji]]>;
<![CDATA[Nafiza Salsabila Faliha]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Katolik Widya Karya Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.297
<![CDATA[Mr. Joko Widodo, The President of the Republic of Indonesia, has recently been inseparable from various hot issues that have been debated in the community during his tenure for two terms. In recent years, there have been discussions for postponing elections made by a range of political figures, and people who support the issue. The big impact caused by this discourse includes demonstrations and resistance from the community. The stability of a country is also affected by an increasingly tense political situation. The danger of democracy allowing its people's freedom to speak raises political turmoil, which can undermine the values of constitutional sovereignty and democracy. The article investigates Indonesia's laws governing the delay of national elections and the recommendations for the implementation of the discourse on postponing the general election against the sovereignty of the constitution and democracy as well as the consequences of its implementation. The study's methodology is normative juridical with a legislative and conceptual focus. Data were gathered through a literature review of secondary legal materials, such as the general election law, secondary sources in the form of journals and books, and tertiary sources in the form of articles from websites. The conclusion of the findings of this article in the form of a constitution does not regulate or require the prorogation of the general elected. However, to strive for the agenda, there is a method of forming a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law that involves a mismatch in the periodization of the position of state stakeholder described in the 1945 Constitution and is an indication of contraindications to constitutional sovereignty. Constitutional amendments are the second option that can pose a threat to the sustainability of electoral principles that are part of a form of democratic sovereignty.]]>
<![CDATA[Tinjauan Yuridis UU Cipta Kerja Terhadap Pengupahan Yang Layak Era Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Eva Maya Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Gracia Tirta Immanuella]]>;
<![CDATA[Ariani Sitanggang]]>;
<![CDATA[Satria Ariayudha Widiatmoko]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Katolik Widya Karya Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.306
<![CDATA[The legalizing of the work act sparked deep-rooted controversy in society, even since it was first proposed by the President. This situation is highly reasonable, especially with new society conditions emerging from the covid-19 pandemic, misunderstandings are natural and disagreements are easy. The copyright law was hasty as it revised dozens of existing laws. Omnibus law appeared on President Joko Widodo's proposal on his inaugural address to the people's assembly on October 20, 2019. The President proposed omnibus law to have overlapping regulations eliminated. The government has also expressed hope with the growing number of pollutive Omnibus Laws in the public and has also attracted foreign investors to invest in Indonesia. Omnibus law has generated controversy in society as it overcomes most of the previous legislation with the new one. This new act. Omnibus law provided an easier passage, as regulations and permits impeded increased construction.]]>
<![CDATA[Perbandingan Sistem Merit di Partai Keadilan Sejahtera dan Partai Solidaritas Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum In Concreto Vol 1 No 1 (2022): Jurnal Hukum In Concreto ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LPPM Universitas Harapan Bangsa ]]>
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<![CDATA[Governance that can serve people optimally decided by quality of its leader, someone who emerge from recruitment, selection and promotion process within political party, that is underpinned of merit system, a system that based on three major principal, namely, virtue, social skill and capability. merit system has been implemented optimally in difference level by both Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). meanwhile, this research use empirical juridical method. in conclusion, this research can contribute to all parpol and goverment regarding with reform of political party management in the future that must be based on merit system.]]>
<![CDATA[KEBIJAKAN RAD P3AKS SEBAGAI SOLUSI ALTERNATIF PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK SOSIAL DI KABUPATEN BATANG ]]>
<![CDATA[Indriana Firdaus]]>;
<![CDATA[Arif Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>;
<![CDATA[Regina Yovita Aiko]]>
<![CDATA[ Hukum dan Politik dalam Berbagai Perspektif No. 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Hukum dan Politik dalam Berbagai Perspektif ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/hp.v1i2.154
<![CDATA[Konflik sosial sering terjadi di masyarakat dan kelompok marginal seperti perempuan dan anak menjadi salah satu kelompok paling rentan yang terdampak konflik sosial ini. Kebijakan RAD P3AKS menjadi solusi alternatif baru dalam penyelesaian konflik sosial yang reformulasikan oleh sebagian Pemerintah Daerah. Kebijakan RAD P3AKS (Rencana Aksi Daerah Penanggulangan Konflik Sosial), diharapkan mampu melindungi dan memberdayakan Perempuan dan anak. Dalam artikel ini akan membahas mengenai RAD P3AKS, komponen-komponen kunci, mengapa Kabupaten Batang perlu menerapkan kebijakan ini dan bagaimana strategi pemerintah Kabupaten Batang dalam menjalankan program tersebut. Untuk menjawab permasalahan ini, penulis menerapkan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosio legal, dengan tujuan untuk menjabarkan secara lebih detail dan terperinci atas topik yang disajikan. Temuan dalam artikel ini diharapkan dapat berkontribusi pada diskursus yang lebih luas mengenai strategi penyelesaian konflik dan pentingnya pendekatan yang terlokalisasi dalam mengatasi konflik sosial di Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Penundaan Pelaksanaan Pemilu Yang Melanggar Sistem Konstitusi Di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Dinita Ardiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Rayhan Nizam Mahendra]]>;
<![CDATA[Febyola Alistya Senoaji]]>;
<![CDATA[Nafiza Salsabila Faliha]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Pengembangan Kinerja Dosen ]]>
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.297
<![CDATA[Mr. Joko Widodo, The President of the Republic of Indonesia, has recently been inseparable from various hot issues that have been debated in the community during his tenure for two terms. In recent years, there have been discussions for postponing elections made by a range of political figures, and people who support the issue. The big impact caused by this discourse includes demonstrations and resistance from the community. The stability of a country is also affected by an increasingly tense political situation. The danger of democracy allowing its people's freedom to speak raises political turmoil, which can undermine the values of constitutional sovereignty and democracy. The article investigates Indonesia's laws governing the delay of national elections and the recommendations for the implementation of the discourse on postponing the general election against the sovereignty of the constitution and democracy as well as the consequences of its implementation. The study's methodology is normative juridical with a legislative and conceptual focus. Data were gathered through a literature review of secondary legal materials, such as the general election law, secondary sources in the form of journals and books, and tertiary sources in the form of articles from websites. The conclusion of the findings of this article in the form of a constitution does not regulate or require the prorogation of the general elected. However, to strive for the agenda, there is a method of forming a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law that involves a mismatch in the periodization of the position of state stakeholder described in the 1945 Constitution and is an indication of contraindications to constitutional sovereignty. Constitutional amendments are the second option that can pose a threat to the sustainability of electoral principles that are part of a form of democratic sovereignty.]]>
<![CDATA[Hukum Demokrasi Dalam Pelaksanaan Pilpres Dan Pilkada Pada Negara Sistem Presidensial ]]>
<![CDATA[Destina Balqis Anggiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Ruth Shelomita]]>;
<![CDATA[Dhamara Kusuma Swastika P]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Pengembangan Kinerja Dosen ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.303
<![CDATA[. In the practice of democratic state administration, the presidential election and regional head elections are certainly one of the country's focuses in the future to find leaders who will take care of this nation, of course it is hoped that the elected leaders are leaders who really carry out this great mandate as well as possible. Based on the choice of the community, this leader will be elected through the democratic system of elections, but there are still many problems that often occur in its implementation. The purpose of this research is to analyze the law of democracy in the implementation of presidential and regional elections in a presidential system country. This research method is normative juridical research with the basis of research using a statutory approach. The results of this study are that the Presidential System, especially in Indonesia, is still often weakened by the provisions of public office and the constitution on the powers of the head of state and the law, supervision in the general election system must certainly be carried out as cleanly as possible in order to create leaders who really have high integrity.]]>
<![CDATA[Tinjauan Yuridis UU Cipta Kerja Terhadap Pengupahan Yang Layak Era Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Eva Maya Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Gracia Tirta Immanuella]]>;
<![CDATA[Ariani Sitanggang]]>;
<![CDATA[Satria Ariayudha Widiatmoko]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 2 (2023): Mei : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lembaga Pengembangan Kinerja Dosen ]]>
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DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i2.306
<![CDATA[The legalizing of the work act sparked deep-rooted controversy in society, even since it was first proposed by the President. This situation is highly reasonable, especially with new society conditions emerging from the covid-19 pandemic, misunderstandings are natural and disagreements are easy. The copyright law was hasty as it revised dozens of existing laws. Omnibus law appeared on President Joko Widodo's proposal on his inaugural address to the people's assembly on October 20, 2019. The President proposed omnibus law to have overlapping regulations eliminated. The government has also expressed hope with the growing number of pollutive Omnibus Laws in the public and has also attracted foreign investors to invest in Indonesia. Omnibus law has generated controversy in society as it overcomes most of the previous legislation with the new one. This new act. Omnibus law provided an easier passage, as regulations and permits impeded increased construction.]]>
<![CDATA[Perbandingan Desain Isu Kewenangan Judicial Review Di Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia Dan Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[Winda Indah Wardani]]>;
<![CDATA[Laga Sugiarto]]>
<![CDATA[ APHTN-HAN Vol 2 No 1 (2023): JAPHTN-HAN, January 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Asosiasi Pengajar Hukum Tata Negara dan Hukum Administrasi Negara ]]>
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DOI: 10.55292/japhtnhan.v2i1.55
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbandingan desain isu kewenangan judicial review di Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia dan Mahkamah Konstitusi Thailand. Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) Bagaimana desain isu kewenangan judicial review di Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia dan Mahkamah Konstitusi Thailand? (2) Bagaimana perbandingan karakteristik desain isu kewenangan judicial review antara Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia dan Mahkamah Konstitusi Thailand?. Metode penelitian yang penulis gunakan ialah metode penelitian kualitatif dan jenis penelitian normatif yang menggunakan sumber data sekunder berupa peraturan perundang-undangan, jurnal, buku, dan sumber internet. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya kesamaan karakteristik desain isu kewenangan judicial review di Mahkamah Konstitusi Indonesia dan Thailand dari segi model judicial review sentralistik, jumlah hakim, dan akses pengadilan yang dapat dilakukan oleh setiap warga negara]]>
