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Inovasi kebijakan kepala daerah dari jalur perseorangan Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah; Hendri Koeswara; Malse Yulivestra; Apriwan Apriwan; Nabilla Nabilla; Fathoni Nugrah Irkha
Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol 9 No 1 (2023): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi
Publisher : Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v9i1.989

Abstract

This article originates from the phenomenon of pairs of regional head candidates who advance and win through independent channels in regional elections. The presence of individual regional heads needs to be tested, especially when building a corruption-free government. The author takes the case of the recruitment of local government echelon officials, considering that this sector is very prone to corruption. The research was conducted in two areas where regional head positions were and are held by independent candidates, namely the City of Bukittinggi, West Sumatra Province and East Tanjung Jabung Regency, Jambi Province. The research method used is qualitative with data collection techniques in the form of in-depth interviews with many parties, literature studies, observation, and documentation. From the results of the research, it was found that the practice of buying and selling government positions that often occurs in many regions is actually not found in the two studied regions. Regional heads from these individual channels have succeeded in carrying out policy innovations by not intervening much and fully surrendering the mechanism for the recruitment process for echelon officials to the regulations. Even if changes are made, they are not prominent in nature and are always put forward under the principle of meritocracy. This in itself gives rise to stability in governance. For this reason, the existence of individual regional head candidates is shown to be linear with the corruption prevention agenda. Despite this, regional heads from individual channels still need strengthening, such as state funding support in Pilkada, affirmation of requirements, and more inclusive arrangements.
Advokasi Kebijakan Rencana Pengelolaan Hutan Jangka Panjang tahun 2020-2029 Unit III Bungo Rahmadita Anggraini; Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah; Nila Wahyuni
Journal of Administration, Governance, and Political Issues Vol. 3 No. 1 (2026): Januari-Juni
Publisher : Indonesian Journal Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47134/jagpi.v3i1.5259

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to describe the success of advocacy organizations in promoting changes to the 2020-2029 forest management plan for Unit III Bungo. The blocks that were originally planned for utilization turned out to be virgin forests, wildlife corridors, and buffer zones for the Kerinci Seblat National Park. The purpose of this study is to determine the reasons behind the success of the policy advocacy carried out by KKI Warsi and Yayasan PKHS in converting some of the utilization blocks into protected areas. The research method used was descriptive qualitative, with data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation. The results showed that advocacy organizations utilized all forms of input, which were then used to carry out five activities, influencing and mobilizing the public, influencing decision makers, information campaigns, defensive activities, and policy monitoring. These various activities then resulted in a more democratic environment, changes in the views of policy makers, and the adoption and implementation of policies. However, advocacy only touched on the impact of substantive changes and not on changes in the mechanism of block distribution and public-centered policies.
Presidential Power in the Formation of Cabinet Posture after the State Ministries Law 2024 Yuliandri; Charles Simabura; Beni Kurnia Illahi; Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah
South East Asian Journal of Advanced Law and Governance (SEAJ-ALGov) Vol 1 No 2 (2024): Public Law and The Risk of Democration Regression
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/seajalgov.v1i2.15929

Abstract

The President has the authority to determine the structure of the government under him as part of the President’s prerogative rights as regulated by Article 17 of the 1945 Constitution. Ironically, the Government and the House of Representatives insisted on changing the substance of Law No. 39 of 2008 concerning State Ministries through a swift amendment resulting in the enactment of Law No. 61 of 2024. One significant change in the new regulation is the removal of the limitation on the number of state ministries. It is necessary to examine how the constitutional mandate and the Law on State Ministries limit the president’s power in designing the cabinet posture in Indonesia. Second, what are the implications of unlimited presidential power in forming the cabinet posture from the administrative law and state finances perspective? This research uses normative juridical legal research with a descriptive nature and a prescription form. Based on the research, there are 4 (four) priority issues, first, the rise in the number of ministries will have an impact on the state budget’s ability to finance it, implications for the apparatus and infrastructure that will run government administration, further complicates the coordination function and authority between ministries, and the increasement is not in line with the government’s spirit to simplify the state institutions and regulations.