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All Journal Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah ILMU USHULUDDIN STUDIA ISLAMIKA Afkaruna: Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Studies El-HARAKAH : Jurnal Budaya Islam Jurnal Kawistara : Jurnal Ilmiah Sosial dan Humaniora Jurnal Theologia Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam AL-Fikr Jurnal Ushuluddin Jurnal Cita Hukum Episteme: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan JICSA Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Journal of SouthEast Asian Human Rights The POLITICS : Jurnal Magister Ilmu Politik Universitas Hasanuddin Journal of Islamic World and Politics Cakrawala Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Dialog Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial SIASAT Journal Budapest International Research and Critics in Linguistics and Education Journal (Birle Journal) Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Aceh Anthropological Journal JCIC: Jurnal CIC Lembaga Riset dan Konsultan Sosial Ulumuna Review of International Relations (Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hubungan Internasional) Britain International for Linguistics, Arts and Education Journal (BIoLAE Journal) ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin Jurnal Review Politik HIKMATUNA: Journal for Integrative Islamic Studies Wacana: Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia Hikmatuna Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Jurnal Kawistara Sunan Ampel International Conference of Political and Social Sciences Studia Islamika Journal of Integrative International Relations CMES (Center of Middle Eastern Studies) KARSA: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Keislaman (Journal of Social and Islamic Culture)
Herdi Sahrasad
Universitas Paramadina, Jakarta
Religion Arts Humanities Civil Engineering, Building, Construction & Architecture Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Public Health Social Sciences Other

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Osama and The Entry of Al Qaeda to Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Preliminary Note Herdi Sahrasad; Yanuardi Syukur; Al Chaidar; Dedy Tabrany; Muhammad Ridwan
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 2, No 2 (2019): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute May
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v2i2.232

Abstract

Southeast Asia captivates Al Qaeda (Saudi Arabia/Middle East)  to enter this region because Osama Bin Laden knows that Southeast Asia is the second priority of the US in fighting international terrorism. Southeast Asia is also referred to as "home" for terrorist groups or movements such as Jemaah Islamiah (JI), Abu Sayyaf and the Mujahideen Malaysia Group (KKM)) which were allegedly involved in the WTC case. Regardless of whether or not the involvement of "radical Islamic" groups was involved with ‘’the September 11(9/11)’’ case, which clearly has changed US relations with Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, the Islamic political movement, especially the  political violence groups have increased and flourished in Indonesia since President Soeharto fell in 1998.  Since the mid-1990s, a number of terrorist attacks have been planned in the Southeast Asia region, including attacks on church leaders (Pope), President Bill Clinton, and commercial aircraft. But these plans are not  always successful, and all of the above factors, combined with the arrest of several people from the Al-Qaeda network operating in Southeast Asia, are seen as a strong enough driving factor to carry out the terrorism attacks in this region. Al Qaeda succeeded in building networks, supporters and cells through regional extremist movements affiliated with it. According to Asean  intelligent report, they received financial and weapons amounted to US$ hundred thousands from Al Qaeda on a scale that worried many people.
Islamism, the West and Our Concern: A Social Reflection TI Aisyah; Herdi Sahrasad; Muhammad Ridwan; Muhamad Asrori Mulky; Dedy Tabrani; Al Chaidar
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 3, No 3 (2020): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute August
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v3i3.1210

Abstract

This article argues that a number of Western orientalists tried to impress that Islam and the West could not meet, imaged that all the Islamic ones seemed to be unable to meet all the nuances of the West, as all the western images imaged always contradict Islam. Such tensions continue to this day. Towards the end of the 20th century, Islamism or Islamic fundamentalism has retreated or failed in maintaining political power in the Islamic world. But the enforcement of Shari'ah in society, remains a central theme of the demands of these Islamic fundamentalists. Thus, their target as a group is no longer just a country, but also a society. The political experiments of Islam, however, as shown in Algeria, Sudan, Iran and Afghanistan have failed and are out of date, but anyway, by the beginning of the 21st century Islamism or Islamic fundamentalism has been revived, marked by the WTC bomb 9/11 and other terror attacks in Indonesia, Europe, the US etc.
Corona Virus, China-US Rivalry and Its Implications to Indonesia: A Preliminary Note Al Chaidar; Herdi Sahrasad; Dedy Tabrani; Ti Aisyah; Muhammad Ridwan
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 5, No 1 (2022): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute February
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v5i1.3783

Abstract

This article explains that in the midst of the widespread Corona Virus (Covid-19) outbreak, the United States accuses China of being the ringleader of the Corona spreader, and  on the contrary China blames the US for making corona. The controversy about who is the spreader of the Corona pandemic, instead led to mutual suspicion between the US vs. China, while it did not solve the Corona outbreak problem that threatens the world community. Today, for the peoples in various parts of the world today, the main problem for overcoming Corona is the inability of the state to deal with the deadly virus. So that cooperation and mutual trust between nations will enable us all to overcome Corona outbreaks. Noah Harari's view should not be forgotten that the experience of the world community in eradicating the 2014 Ebola outbreak teaches us that closer, open and mutual trust in global cooperation will not only be a victory for humanity over the Corona virus, but also a victory against all pathogenic viruses in the future.
European Muslim, Radicalism, Terrorism, and Democracy: A Reflection Alfian Alfian; Herdi Sahrasad; Dedy Tabrani; Al Chaidar
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 4, No 3 (2021): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute August
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v4i3.2302

Abstract

This article argues that, in the future, Europe Union (EU) is predicted to continue to confront the expression of Islamization of acts of terror and radicalism by Muslim youth amid the complexity of the problem and amid the fact that government security forces in Belgium and other European countries are often uncomplicated, low-paid secret agents, open to the movement of fundamentalism, and the proliferation of the black market of weapons. All this has made Europe a very vulnerable area against terrorist attacks and militarism in cloak of religion. Indeed, a problem and a challenge to be solved amid issues of potential cracking or collapse of the Europe Union.
Colonial Structure, Chinese Minority and Racial Violence in Indonesia: A Social Reflection Herdi Sahrasad
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 2, No 2 (2019): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute May
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v2i2.253

Abstract

Under the Dutch colonial, the Dutch (white skin) become the  political, economic and social elites in the colonial society, while middle class consisted of far east people (Chinese, Arab, India, etc), and bumiputera (indigenous Muslim) people laying in lower layer functioning producer of natural resources or traditional (feo­dal) elite. Dutch elites (top local officials, such as resident), Chinese elite (officer), and traditional elite (regents) are "Top Branch" of colonial society. The structure has been continuing in the era of Soekarno’s Old Order and Soeharto’s New Order. And under the New Order, the political practices of minority have serious social-political implications related to negative image that always inherent in Tionghoa (Chinese) people of Indonesia. The Indonesian Chinese (Tionghoa) often be assumed as source of various problems, simply could be ‘scapegoat’, if there are riots, economic crisis and racialism. Under the New Order, the Indonesian Chinese remain to treated as the others, the marginalized people. In the post Soeharto’s New Order 1998, however, the Chinese have been awakening gradually to join political parties and social organizations to take part in democratization and governance, even most of the Chinese conglomerates (taipan) has been the richest in Indonesia.
The Winding Road to Power: Anwar Ibrahim in Malaysian Politics Herdi Sahrasad; Ma'mun Murod Al-Barbasy; Al Chaidar; Muhammad Ridwan; Qusthan Firdaus
Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences Vol 2, No 3 (2019): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute August
Publisher : Budapest International Research and Critics University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33258/birci.v2i3.428

Abstract

The relationship between Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim was colorful, from friendship, fellowship to violent conflict and hostilities, even Anwar was slandered with sodomy and jailed and tortured in his cell. Anwar's struggle in Malaysian politics was full of sorrow and bitterness, after being released from prison in 2007, in 2008 he was jailed again on charges of sodomy too. But then he could be free and form an opposition against Najib Razak who replaced Mahathir.In 1997, when he became a finance minister, Anwar Ibrahim supported the steps of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He saved money by cutting state spending by 18 percent, cutting ministerial salaries, and postponing major projects. The major projects postponed by Anwar Ibrahim included a number of projects that were the mainstay of the development strategy designed by Mahathir Mohamad. In 1998, amid the worsening relationship between Anwar and Mahathir, Newsweek magazine named Anwar the "Asian Leader of the Year". In the same year, the youth wing of UMNO led by Anwar's ally Ahmad Zahid Hamidi indicated that they would raise the issue of cronyism and nepotism in the UMNO General Session.Now Anwar has returned to the Malaysian political scene and is waiting for the promise of Mahathir who will hand over the reign of the Prime Minister to him. Indeed, Anwar's way of life was full of mystery and grief but there was no grudge in him for those who had imprisoned him for quite a long time.
MASYARAKAT MINDANAO, ABU SAYYAF DAN MASALAH KEAMANAN KAWASAN Al Chaidar; M Akmal; Saifullah Ali; Nanda Amalia; Dara Quthni Effida; Herdi Sahrasad
Cakrawala Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Vol 7 No 1 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (323.816 KB)

Abstract

ABSTRACT This article explores on the Abu Sayyaf radical movement, prospects for security in Sulawesi and Sulu sea is done by field research, to Mindanao and border islands in Sulu, Southern Philippines, our neighboring country. This study not only uses a security approach, but also a welfare and socio-cultural approach, believing that finding the root cause of Bangsamoro Philippines is the most important thing to do and look for a way out. Unfortunately, the Muslim Moro relationship with the Manila Government in many cases means confrontation and demands for free will. The Filipino Muslims, the Moros, believe that they must fight for their security of life and security, live according to the values ​​they believe in, have the power to decide their fate, this is what they continue to strive for. We are a predominantly Muslim nation of Indonesia, hoping that the struggle finds its culmination and the creation of peace in this highly dynamic region of culture, commerce, politics and science could be achieved.
PROGRAM KONTRA WACANA TERORISME: SEBUAH USULAN ANTROPOLOGIS SEBAGAI ALTERNATIF DERADIKALISASI DI INDONESIA Al Chaidar; Herdi Sahrasad; Iskandar Zulkarnaen; Fauzi A Rahman; Muntasir Abdul Kadir
Aceh Anthropological Journal Vol 4, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : Department of Anthropology

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/aaj.v4i2.3119

Abstract

Program counter-discourse (kontra wacana) adalah program yang berusaha menciptakan “a way of thinking that opposes an institutionalized discourse”. Selama ini wacana kaum fundamentalis, kaum radikal hinga kelompok-kelompok teroris sudah terlembaga sedemikian rupa di Indonesia melalui proses yang panjang dalam sejarah sosial politik negeri ini. Teka-teki yang muncul atas motif apakah yang mendasari makin maraknya kaum profesional yang berkecukupan tergiur untuk menjadi tentara Negara Islam Irak dan Suriah (NIIS) atau yang lebih dikenal dengan ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) belum juga terpecahkan secara komprehensif. Hingga saat ini, sudah sekitar 518 warga negara Indonesia diduga bergabung dengan ISIS dan menurut catatan Sidney Jones dari Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC), sudah lebih dari 800 warga negara Indonesia yang sudah berangkat dan bergabung dengan gerakan “teroris” tersebut di Suriah. Oleh karena itu, perlu membangun kontra wacana sebagai benteng untuk membendung upaya “cuci otak” yang dilakukan oleh pihak-pihak yang tidak bertanggung jawab.  Program ini tentu saja tidak akan berjalan tanpa dukungan dari berbagai pihak terkait, terutama pihak-pihak yang paham dengan permasalahan ini. Padahal, di sisi lain, upaya dan program nyata untuk memerangi terorisme yang bersifat straight-forward dan sistematis seharusnya terus digalakkan dan terlembaga. Harapannya, program kontra wacana ini dapat mereduksi dan menghantam ideologi-ideologi yang menyimpang yang selama ini dianut oleh gerakan-gerakan sosial politik keagamaan.
PROGRAM RATIFIKASI KONVENSI PBB TENTANG DAFTAR HITAM ORGANISASI TERORIS DI INDONESIA Al Chaidar; Herdi Sahrasad; Iskandar Zulkarnaen; Fauzi A Rahman; Muntasir Abdul Kadir
Aceh Anthropological Journal Vol 2, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Department of Anthropology

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/aaj.v2i2.272

Abstract

Untuk secara efektif menangani ancaman teroris saat ini, kita harus mulai dengan cara pemahaman yang unik di mana jihadisme ternyata mendorong kekerasan, dan dilanjutkan dengan menilai mana negara-negara Barat yang memiliki kekuatan nyata sekaligus kerentanan nyata dalam pendekatan mereka terhadap terorisme. Pada dekade belakangan ini dan sejak 11 September 2001, jelas bahwa kita tidak hanya perang melawan teror tapi prinsipnya terhadap ide-ide jihad yang mengilhaminya. Dengan melihat ke belakang sejak lima tahun terakhir, dan khususnya dua tahun terakhir sejak ISIS mengumumkan khilafah, bisa dikatakan bahwa jihad jauh dari kata statis dengan berbagai ketegangan yang memiliki kecenderungan untuk beradaptasi dan berkembang. Seiring serangan yang baru-baru ini terjadi di Paris, Brussels, San Bernardino dan Orlando menunjukkan bahwa para pebuat kebijakan tidak menganggap secara serius kekuatan ide jihad. Hal ini jelas terlihat ketika pemerintah AS melalui program Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) dari laporan Homeland Security Advisory Council merekomendasikan tidak menggunakan kata-kata seperti “jihad” dan “syariah,” karena takut mengobarkan sebuah narasi “kita lawan mereka.“ Padahal ancaman jihad hanya dapat benar-benar diatasi jika kita peduli untuk memahami bahwa ide-ide jihad memegang peranan dalam mendorong aksi kekerasan. Jihadisme perlu di-packing kembali dari konsep tradisional untuk mengeksploitasi situasi politik dunia Islam terutama di Timur Tengah. Ini berdasarkan fakta ketika ide-ide jihad secara meyakinkan berubah wujud dengan cepat menjadi ancaman fisik kinetik.
PROGRAM HUMANISASI: REFLEKSI TENTANG REHABILITASI PELAKU DAN KORBAN TERORISME UNTUK KONTEKS INDONESIA Al Chaidar; Herdi Sahrasad; Iskandar Zulkarnaen; Fauzi A Rahman; Muntasir Abdul Kadir; Abdul Hadi Arifin
Aceh Anthropological Journal Vol 3, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : Department of Anthropology

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/aaj.v3i1.1158

Abstract

Tak terhitung berapa rupiah materi dan pengorbanan lainnya yang dihabiskan untuk menanggulangi perkara terorisme melalui program deradikalisasi, sampai-sampai Polri dan BIN dituding berbagai kalangan sebagai  lembaga yang sengaja membikin ‘proyek terorisme’ demi kelangsungan anggaran anti-terorisme milyaran rupiah/tahun. Harus disadari, dicamkan  dan ditekankan bahwa dalam membasmi terorisme, negara dan masyarakat  mesti seayun langkah dan bersatu. Tulisan ini menawarkan gagasan humanisasi sebagai bagian dari upaya deradikalisasi untuk menambal lubang-lubang yang bocor dari program yang sudah dilaksanakan. Dalam hal ini, humanisasi adalah respon untuk mencegah eskalasi kekerasan. Humanisasi mengakui martabat yang melekat  pada manusia, mengakui kemanusiaan lawan-lawannya dan hak-hak asasi semua anggota keluarga manusia. Humanisasi memungkinkan orang mengenali karakteristik manusia yang dianggap musuh atau lawannya, sehingga dapat membantu orang untuk membatasi eskalasi kekerasan yang ekstrim. Humanisasi juga dapat membuka jalan bagi hubungan timbal balik dan keyakinan dalam kesetaraan manusia, menciptakan norma-norma bersama yang membatasi cara konflik tersebut dilancarkan.
Co-Authors A Hadi Arifin Adhe Nuansa Wibisono Akmal, M. Al Chaidar Al Chaidar Alfian Alfian Alfian Lukman Alhadar, Smith Ali, Saifullah Ansari, Teuku Syahrul Aris Arif Mundayat Arizal Joko Bayhaki, Imron Byhaqi, Imron Dar, Mai Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrani Dedy Tabrany Dinata, Septa Fauzi A Rahman Fauzi A Rahman Fauzi A Rahman Gaus A.F., Ahmad Hasan, Pipip A. Rifai Hendra Hendra Ida Ayu Putu Sri Widnyani Imam Budi Santoso Iryadi, Irfan Iskandar Zulkarnaen Iskandar Zulkarnain Kadir, Muntasir Abdul M Akmal M. Akmal M. Akmal Ma'mun Al-Barbasy Mai Dar Mai Dar Mai Dar Mamun Murod Mohamad Asrori Mulky Muhamad Asrori Mulky Muhammad Asrory Mulki Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muhammad Ridwan Muntasir Nanda Amalia Nanda Amalia Nurdin, Muhammad Amin Nurwijayanti Qusthan A. H. Firdaus Qusthan Firdaus Quthni Effida, Dara Rahman, Fauzi A Rifai Hasan, Pipip A. Saifullah Ali Saifullah Ali Smith Alhadar Syam, Maksum Syam, Maksum Tabrani, Dedy Taufik Saputra Teuku Syahrul Ansari Teuku Syahrul Ansari Teuku Syahrul Ansari Ti Aisyah Ti Aisyah Yanuardi Syukur Zakaria, Mursyidin