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All Journal Al-Qanun: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Pembaharuan Hukum Islam AL-HUKAMA´ Al-Daulah : Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Tafaqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman Al-MARSHAD: Jurnal Astronomi Islam dan Ilmu-Ilmu Berkaitan Al-Jinayah: Jurnal Hukum Pidana Islam Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin PROGRESIF: Jurnal Hukum Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Tadrisuna : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam dan Kajian Keislaman Risalah Hukum Ma'mal: Jurnal Laboratorium Syariah dan Hukum The Indonesian Journal of Islamic Law and Civil Law Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara Busyro : Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi Islam Riau Law Journal Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Ummul Qura : Jurnal Ilmiah Institut Pesantren Sunan Drajat (INSUD) Lamongan Staatsrecht: Jurnal Hukum Kenegaraan dan Politik Islam Dekrit (Jurnal Hukum Dan Keadilan) Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-undangan SOSIO YUSTISIA Jurnal Hukum dan Perubahan Sosial as-Shahifah Engagement: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Komparatif: Jurnal Perbandingan Hukum dan Pemikiran Islam Al-Hukama: The Indonesian Journal of Islamic Family Law
Elva Imeldatur Rohmah
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya
Religion Arts Humanities Astronomy Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Neuroscience Physics Social Sciences Other

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Rekontruksi Ambang Batas Parlemen dalam Sistem Pemilu Indonesia Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 116/PUU-XXI/2023 Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur
Jurnal Risalah Hukum Vol 21 No 1 (2025): Volume 21, Nomor 1, Juni 2025
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Mulawarman

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30872/risalah.V21.i1.1701

Abstract

The Constitutional Court (MK) Decision Number 116/PUU-XXI/2023 is an important basis for evaluating the parliamentary threshold policy in the Indonesian election system. This provision requires political parties to obtain a minimum of 4% of valid national votes in order to get seats in the People's Representative Council (DPR). Although it aims to coordinate the party system and increase government stability, this regulation raises various problems, especially related to political representation and electoral justice. The Constitutional Court, in its decision, stated that the parliamentary threshold remains in effect for the 2024 Election but must be evaluated before the 2029 Election so that it is more proportional and does not harm the constitutional rights of voters. This study uses a normative legal method with a regulatory and contextual approach. The results of the study show that the application of the 4% threshold resulted in the loss of around 17.3 million votes in the 2024 Election, which has an impact on limited political representation for small parties and their voters. The Constitutional Court, in its decision, emphasized the need to revise this regulation to be fairer and reflect the principle of people's sovereignty. Some proposed policy alternatives include the implementation of a height threshold, a proportionality-based calculation model, and a revision of the DPR seat allocation system to reduce wasted votes. The parliamentary threshold system needs to be improved with a more objective data-based approach to reflect the principles of electoral fairness better. The evaluation of this rule is a step to realize a more representative, transparent, and democratic electoral system for the future of Indonesian politics
Pandangan Quraish Shihab dan Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir tentang Hukum Nusyuz Andriani, Farika; Al awwali, Habib Busyro; Abrori , Ahmad Sahal Aqil; Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur
Komparatif: Jurnal Perbandingan Hukum dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 2 No. 2 (2022): Desember
Publisher : Department of Comparative Mazhab Comparative, Fakulty of Shariah and Law

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/komparatif.v2i2.1904

Abstract

Abstract: This article discusses the views of Quraish Shihab and Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir on nusyuz law. This research uses literature research methods. Research data is collected through literature collection and then analyzed by comparative techniques. The study results concluded that according to Quraish Shihab, the concept of Nusyuz is defiance and disobedience to the rights of Allah and the rights of the husband. While the concept of Nusyuz in the view of Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir is, Nusyuz is the opposite of obedience. That is, all negative actions in husband and wife relationships weaken the pair bond between husband and wife so that they become far from the conditions of sakinah, mawaddah, and rahmah. Either done by the wife to the husband or done by the husband to the wife. Keywords: Nushuz, Islamic law, husband, wife. Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas pandangan Quraish Shihab dan Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir mengenai hukum nusyuz. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kepustakaan. Data dikumpulkan melalui pengumpulan bahan pustaka dan kemudian dianalisis dengan teknik perbandingan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam pandangan Quraish Shihab, konsep nusyuz merujuk pada tindakan pembangkangan dan ketidakpatuhan terhadap hak-hak Allah dan hak-hak suami. Di sisi lain, dalam pandangan Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir, konsep nusyuz didefinisikan sebagai tindakan negatif dalam hubungan suami-istri yang merusak ikatan antara keduanya, sehingga menjauhkan mereka dari keadaan sakinah, mawaddah, dan rahmah. Hal ini bisa terjadi baik dari pihak istri terhadap suami maupun sebaliknya, yaitu suami terhadap istri. Kata Kunci: Nusyuz, Hukum Islam, Suami, Istri.
Constitutional Reconstruction of Customary Land Rights Protection in the Development of Indonesia’s New Capital Abrori, Achmad Fagil; Anwar, Sophia Rahma Sari; Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur
Ma’mal: Jurnal Laboratorium Syariah dan Hukum Vol. 6 No. 4 (2025): August
Publisher : Laboratorium Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya (https://uinsa.ac.id/fsh/facility)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/mal.v7i5.439

Abstract

Abstract: The relocation of the National Capital City (IKN) from Jakarta to East Kalimantan, as outlined in Law No. 3/2022, poses a serious challenge to the recognition and protection of the customary rights of indigenous peoples. Although Article 18B paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution and its derivative regulations (UUPA, UU IKN, PP 65/2022, Permen ATR 18/2019) provide a juridical basis, implementation in the field is still hampered by the absence of a Regional Regulation on customary recognition, overlapping land claims, and low participation of indigenous peoples. This study employs an analytical normative-descriptive legal approach, utilizing secondary data sources to map the legal framework, document forms of tenure conflicts, and assess the gap between juridical expectations and the reality of implementation. The results of the analysis revealed that the absence of a formal mechanism for recognition and SOPs for customary land registration led to the vulnerability of customary rights to land conversion. Constitutional Court Decision No. 35/PUUX/2012, which recognizes customary forests, has not been followed by concrete legislative steps. As a solution, it is suggested to revise and harmonize UUPA regulations, ratify customary recognition regulations, participatory mapping, prepare SOPs for customary land registration, and FPIC-based dispute resolution mechanisms to realize inclusive and equitable IKN development. Keywords: customary rights, indigenous peoples, land conflicts, the capital city of the archipelago, constitutional protection. Abstract: Pemindahan Ibu Kota Negara (IKN) dari Jakarta ke Kalimantan Timur melalui UU No. 3/2022 menimbulkan tantangan serius bagi pengakuan dan perlindungan hak ulayat masyarakat adat. Meskipun Pasal 18B ayat (2) UUD 1945 dan regulasi turunannya (UUPA, UU IKN, PP 65/2022, Permen ATR 18/2019) memberikan landasan yuridis, pelaksanaan di lapangan masih terhambat oleh ketiadaan Perda pengakuan adat, tumpang‑tindih klaim lahan, dan rendahnya partisipasi masyarakat adat. Studi ini menggunakan pendekatan hukum normatif-deskriptif analitis dengan sumber data sekunder untuk memetakan kerangka hukum, merekam bentuk-bentuk konflik tenurial, serta menilai kesenjangan antara harapan yuridis dan realitas implementasi. Hasil analisis mengungkap bahwa kurangnya mekanisme formal pengakuan dan SOP pendaftaran tanah ulayat menyebabkan rentannya hak ulayat terhadap alih fungsi lahan. Putusan MK No. 35/PUU‑X/2012 yang mengakui hutan adat belum diikuti oleh langkah legislatif konkret. Sebagai solusi, disarankan perevisian dan harmonisasi regulasi UUPA, pengesahan Perda pengakuan adat, pemetaan partisipatif, penyusunan SOP pendaftaran tanah ulayat, dan mekanisme penyelesaian sengketa berbasis FPIC untuk mewujudkan pembangunan IKN yang inklusif dan berkeadilan. Keywords: hak ulayat, masyarakat adat, konflik lahan, Ibu Kota Nusantara, perlindungan konstitusional.  
Dinamika Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 90/PUU-XXI/2023 Tentang Persyaratan Usia Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur
PROGRESIF: Jurnal Hukum Vol 18 No 1 (2024): PROGRESIF: Jurnal Hukum
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Bangka Belitung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33019/progresif.v18i1.4636

Abstract

Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 telah memicu perdebatan mengenai peran dan kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menciptakan norma baru yang berkaitan dengan pemilihan umum. Putusan ini mengemukakan bahwa seorang calon presiden atau wakil presiden harus berusia minimal 40 tahun atau pernah/sedang menduduki jabatan yang dipilih melalui pemilihan umum, termasuk pemilihan kepala daerah. Hal ini seakan-akan memberikan kesan bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi mencampuri wilayah dan fungsi legislasi yang seharusnya menjadi kewenangan legislatif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis lebih jauh terkait dinamika Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 tentang persyaratan usia calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Dari hasil penelitian ini, diketahui bahwa terdapat enam perkara yang diajukan untuk menguji keabsahan Pasal 169 huruf q UU 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi mengambil keputusan berdasarkan permohonan yang diajukan oleh para pemohon, dengan beberapa perkara yang diterima dan beberapa lainnya yang ditolak. Kenyataannya, pemohon pada perkara No. 90/PUU-XXI/2023 memiliki legal standing yang lemah, namun permohonannya dikabulkan sebagian. Hal ini menimbulkan dugaan adanya konflik kepentingan yang mempengaruhi inkonsistensi putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi.
Parliamentary Systems in Continental European Countries and its Relationship to the Effectiveness of Legislative Institutions Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur; Huroirah, Ernawati; Putra Prasetya, Jean Arya
Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam Vol, 9 No. 1 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Hukum Tata Negara, Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum Islam IAIN Bone

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30863/ajmpi.v9i1.3092

Abstract

Every country has a unique style regarding the parliamentary system they follow. This parliamentary system may experience changes or developments that differ from the initial concept. It is expected because each country has other political, cultural, social, and economic conditions. It is normative legal research with a historical and conceptual approach, then conducted in a comparative study. The results of this study found that the French parliamentary system is included in the category of Medium-Strength bicameralism with asymmetrical and incongruent characteristics. The Dutch parliament belongs to medium-strength bicameralism with symmetrical and harmonious features. The Austrian legislature, known as the Bundesrat, does not have the same power as the Nationalrat, so the management of the two chambers of parliament is asymmetrical. Meanwhile, the parliamentary system in Indonesia can be classified as medium-strength bicameralism with asymmetrical and incongruent buildings. The parliamentary system can indirectly affect the effectiveness of the legislature's performance. Sometimes, the system adopted can make parliament an effective and efficient institution or vice versa. A small example is France, which can complete over 50% of proposed legislation in one year. Meanwhile, from 2020-2024, only 17 draft laws were constructed in Indonesia out of 215 registered. This figure is only 7.9% of the total proposed bill. Suppose the parliamentary system adopted has yet to bring parliament into a better, transparent, efficient, and open legislative body. In that case, the system can be re-evaluated by considering the existing ideal parliamentary concept.
Urgensi Pembatasan Masa Jabatan Pemerintah Desa Untuk Mewujudkan Desa Anti Korupsi Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur; Faizah, Isniyatin
Sosio Yustisia: Jurnal Hukum dan Perubahan Sosial Vol. 4 No. 1 (2024): May
Publisher : Magister Hukum Tata Negara Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/sosyus.v4i1.577

Abstract

Kepala dan perangkat desa adalah unsur penting dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan desa yang berperan dalam melaksanakan program-program pembangunan, pemberdayaan, dan pelayanan kepada masyarakat desa. Namun, mereka berpotensi terlibat dalam KKN yang merugikan kepentingan umum dan menghambat kemajuan desa. Salah satu faktor yang diduga memicu terjadinya KKN adalah masa jabatan mereka yang begitu lama. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan, kasus, dan konseptual. Bahan hukum primer meliputi Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa dan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2014 tentang Peraturan Pelaksanaan Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Bahan hukum sekunder meliputi buku-buku, jurnal, artikel, dan putusan pengadilan yang relevan dengan topik penelitian. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pembatasan masa jabatan kepala dan perangkat desa memiliki urgensi yang tinggi dalam rangka mencegah dan memberantas KKN di desa. Pembatasan masa jabatan kepala dan perangkat desa dapat memberikan dampak positif, antara lain: (1) meningkatkan kinerja dan akuntabilitas; (2) mendorong regenerasi dan inovasi dalam kepemimpinan desa; (3) mengurangi potensi penyalahgunaan wewenang dan sumber daya desa; dan (4) memperkuat partisipasi dan pengawasan masyarakat terhadap pemerintahan desa. Pembatasan masa jabatan kepala dan perangkat desa juga memiliki urgensi yang sangat besar dalam mewujudkan desa anti korupsi.
The Problem of Violating The Law on Information and Electronic Transactions in Democracy Country Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur; Ilmiyah , Zainatul; Ningtyas , Mega Ayu
Al-Jinayah : Jurnal Hukum Pidana Islam Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Juni 2021
Publisher : Islamic Criminal Law Study Program, Faculty of Sharia and Law, Sunan Ampel State Islamic University Surabaya, Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia.

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/aj.2021.7.1.190-212

Abstract

Law Number 11 of 2008 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions as amended by Law Number 19 of 2016 (ITE Law) is a law that regulates all matters concerning information technology applicable in Indonesia. As a democratic country, Indonesia upholds and respects freedom. In reality, the ITE Law creates many problems in the midst of society, because it is often used as a tool to limit freedom of speech and opinion. The results of this study indicate that the presence and implementation of the ITE Law which is considered to silence freedom of opinion and expression which is one of the pillars of democracy for social media users, is actually not all true. The existence of the ITE Law actually presses all parties to be more careful in their attitudes and expressions on social media. So that the negative impact or violation of the rights of freedom of others and other violations in the cyber world can be avoided. Then the freedom of opinion and expression can run well.  
Pasal Penghinaan Presiden dalam Bingkai Negara Demokrasi Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur
Al-Jinayah : Jurnal Hukum Pidana Islam Vol. 9 No. 1 (2023): Juni 2023
Publisher : Islamic Criminal Law Study Program, Faculty of Sharia and Law, Sunan Ampel State Islamic University Surabaya, Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia.

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/aj.2023.9.1.28-56

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memaparkan tentang konsep negara demokrasi, problematika pasal penghinaan Presiden dan pasal penghinaan Presiden dalam bingkai negara demokrasi. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian ini menyebutkan bahwa pasal penghinaan presiden telah menjadi sumber perdebatan di banyak negara. Bagi pihak yang sepakat dengan adanya pasal ini beranggapan bahwa pasal ini dapat memastikan bahwa kepala negara atau penguasa negara dihormati dan tidak dihina oleh masyarakat; dapat membantu melindungi integritas dan reputasi negara serta pemerintah; serta dapat mendorong masyarakat untuk mengekspresikan pendapat dengan cara yang lebih sopan dan bertanggung jawab. Pihak yang tidak menyetujui adanya pasal penghinaan presiden beranggapan bahwa pasal ini dapat digunakan untuk membungkam kebebasan bersuara dan berekspresi masyarakat; dapat dipolitisasi dan digunakan sebagai alat untuk menekan lawan politik; serta kurang sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan kebebasan berekspresi yang melindungi hak masyarakat untuk menyatakan pendapat secara bebas. Sebagai negara demokrasi, Indonesia perlu memastikan bahwa penerapan Pasal Penghinaan Presiden tidak melanggar hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan berbicara, serta tetap menjunjung tinggi prinsip keadilan dan transparansi dalam hukum. Oleh karena itu, perlu adanya pengawasan dan kontrol yang ketat dalam penerapan Pasal Penghinaan Presiden untuk memastikan bahwa tidak ada penyalahgunaan dan penyalahartian pasal tersebut.
The Concept of Organizing the Nusantara Special Capital Regional Government (IKN) to Realize Good Governance Farida, Anis; Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur; Huri, Daman
Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 14 No. 1 (2024): April
Publisher : Prodi Hukum Tata Negara Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/ad.2024.14.1.1-24

Abstract

The capital is a city designed and used as the center of government of a country as well as a symbol of that country's identity. The move of the country's capital from Jakarta to East Kalimantan (the archipelago's capital) has several reasons, one of which is that Jakarta is no longer suitable for use as the country's capital. The archipelago's capital city is in the form of a particular regional government with an authority body appointed directly by the president after consultation with the DPR. Still, there is no maximum limit on the number of times a person can serve as Head and Deputy Head of the Authority Body. Apart from that, in the archipelago's capital city, there is no DPRD like in other regions, so this is a problem within the scope of Indonesian state administration. This research is included in the category of normative legal research with several approaches, namely the statutory approach and conceptual approaches, as well as using primary and secondary legal materials. The results of this research show that in the context of regional autonomy, the IKN regional government remains under the central government's jurisdiction. The central government still has a role in supervising IKN regional government activities, safeguarding national interests, and providing necessary support. Implementing the National Capital Special Regional Government (IKN) for the archipelago to realize good governance requires active community involvement in decision-making. In the absence of general elections for DPRD members in IKN Nusantara, aspects of representation and legitimacy can be questioned. In addition, an unlimited term of office for the head of the IKN Authority and his deputies could hurt the implementation of good governance. A better mechanism for regular leadership changes is needed to achieve good governance so there is a healthy rotation of power and opportunities for new and qualified leaders to lead. It can create better oversight and transparency in decision-making and minimize the risk of abuse of power.
The Practice of Patronage in Elections And Its Implications for Democratic Credibility in Indonesia Handoko, Priyo; Rohmah, Elva Imeldatur; Farida, Anis
Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 13 No. 1 (2023): April
Publisher : Prodi Hukum Tata Negara Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/ad.2023.13.1.137-158

Abstract

Patronage in Indonesian elections often occurs, especially among political elites and legislative candidates. It may be due to the need for candidates to gain votes and support from the public, and the practice of patronage is considered effective in achieving this goal. The study aims to identify voter patronage practices and measure the impact of patronage practices on the credibility of democracy in Indonesia. This research is qualitative, and data is obtained through document analysis and related literature. Election patronage practices can take many forms, ranging from money or goods to voters, unrealistic political promises, to employing positions or powers to influence voter decisions. The study found that patronage practices can significantly impact the credibility of democracies, thus disrupting democratic processes and affecting the quality of elections in Indonesia. The approach can undermine democratic principles that are supposed to be based on free and fair participation and competitive competition based on political ideas and visions. When elections were influenced by material benefits rather than political views, the public felt that elections no longer represented their aspirations and interests, resulting in dubious legitimacy over the elected government. Therefore, efforts are needed to combat patronage practices in general elections in Indonesia. This can be done through implementing strict regulations related to campaign funding and political practices, education and political literacy for the public, strict law enforcement for patronage practices, and improving the general election system to make it more transparent and accountable
Co-Authors Abrori , Ahmad Sahal Aqil Abrori, Achmad Fagil Ahmad Ainur Ridlo Al awwali, Habib Busyro Andriani, Farika Anis Farida Anwar, Sophia Rahma Sari Arif Jamaluddin Malik Arif Jamaluddin Malik, Arif Jamaluddin Ayu Sri Astuti Daman Huri Dewi Kartika Sari Dian Kurniawati Fahrur Rosi Faizah, Isniyatin Gangga Listiawan Huroirah, Ernawati Imron Mustofa Isniyatin Faizah Jannah, Elly Uzlifatul Laili Choirunnisa Mardiyanto, Ibnu Mega Ayu Ningtyas Mochammad Tommy Kusuma Moh. Faizur Rohman Moh. Haidar Ali Al-Hamid Nafi' Mubarok Ningtyas , Mega Ayu Nur Lailatul Musyafa’ah Nurul Asiya Nadhifah Prawhidhistia Wibowo, Dhika Priyo Handoko Priyo Handoko, Priyo Putra Prasetya, Jean Arya Ramadhan, Sagita Destia Rinwanto Rohmatul Anam Sholichah, Mas Amaliyatus Tazkia Amelia Fauzi Try Hajar Caesar Oktaviana Tutut Dwi Setyorini Zainatul Ilmiyah