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All Journal Melintas An International Journal of Philosophy and Religion Jurnal Hukum PRO JUSTITIA Insignia: Journal of International Relations JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Jurnal Ilmiah HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Global Strategis Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Indonesian Perspective Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) Jurnal Pertahanan : Media Informasi tentang Kajian dan Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism dan Integrity Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Andalas Journal of International Studies AEGIS : Journal of International Relations NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Indonesian Journal of International Relations Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum Publica: Jurnal Pemikiran Administrasi Negara Academia Praja : Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Pemerintahan dan Administrasi Publik DINAMIKA GLOBAL : JURNAL ILMU HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi: Media Pengembangan Ilmu dan Praktek Administrasi Jurnal Syntax Imperatif : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Jurnal Kewarganegaraan Jurnal Maritim Indonesia (Indonesian Maritime Journal) Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies East Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research (EAJMR) International Journal of Humanities Education and Social Sciences Formosa Journal of Multidisciplinary Research (FJMR) Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Indonesian Perspective Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Aurelia: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia Innovative: Journal Of Social Science Research Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi: Media Pengembangan Ilmu dan Praktek Administrasi Aksaqila International Humanities and Social Sciences [AIHSS] Journal Jurnal TNI Angkatan Udara

Anak Agung Banyu Perwita

Universitas Pertahanan RI

Author-ID : 240747

Religion Aerospace Engineering Arts Humanities Civil Engineering, Building, Construction & Architecture Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Earth & Planetary Sciences Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Electrical & Electronics Engineering Engineering Environmental Science Industrial & Manufacturing Engineering Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Public Health Social Sciences Other

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Indonesia’s Maritime Axis and the Security of Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) in the Indo-Pacific I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0081.10-21

This article tries to elaborate the strategic position of Indo-Pacific in the current international relations. This region has become a new crucial theatre for the global sea lanes of communication. As a littoral country in the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia relies heavily on the SLOCs in the Indo-Pacific. Indonesia, as a developing economy, requires a steady supply in oil and gas from the Gulf. A sudden disturbance in oil resources would have a catastrophic effect on energy security in Indonesia, which could lead to other security implications. Indonesia has mostly been active in safeguarding the Malacca Strait, one vital SLOC in the Indo-Pacific. This article also elaborates President Jokowi’s maritime axis as a guarantor of maritime security not only in Southeast Asia, but the entire Indo-Pacific.

The US Rebalance Policy and the Management of Power Politics in Asia Pacific Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Denisa Rizkiya
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2014): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v2i1.81

The policy was introduced by the U.S. President Barack Obama early in his first administration in 2010, marked specific changing to the U.S. foreign policy like never before. The U.S. continuously views South and South East Asia, including the Indian Ocean, as a crucial driver for America’s economic growth and prosperity throughout the 21st century. Numerous numbers of cooperation and partnership have been done to enhance the ties between the U.S. and the regions. The U.S. presence and involvement in most essential regional meetings and summits can also be seen as an effort to seek opportunities, politically, economically, as well as security. This article tries to analyze how the U.S. rebalance towards Asia policy, a term used for the U.S.' foreign policy influenced the regional stability in Asia-Pacific region.

Jokowi’s Maritime Axis: Change and Continuity of Indonesia’s Role in Indo-Pacific I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2015): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v3i1.751

Indonesia is undergoing transition and soon, a new president will be inaugurated. The new president brings promises of new foreign and defence policy for Indonesia, building upon Indonesia’s prior principles and putting renewed consideration on Indonesia’s geopolitical position in the Indo-Pacific. This paper examines the “maritime axis”, the concept coined by President Joko Widodo and the possible changes in Indonesian foreign and defence policy required as to achieve the maritime axis. In foreign policy, Indonesia is expected to contribute more to the Indian Ocean Rim Association while maintaining its ASEAN centrality. In defence, there is a significant change in Indonesia’s defence outlook from land-based to maritime-based. Also, Indonesia looks towards India as a security partner in securing the Indian Ocean.

The Shift and Continuity of Japanese Defense Policy: Revolutionary Enough? Ria Putri Santoso; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 4 No. 2 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.1906

The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), shifted its defense strategy from the Basic Defence Force (kibanteki boei ryoko) to Dynamic Defense Force (doeki boei ryoko), revised its Three Principles on Arms Exports, created the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Strategy (NSS), and the Medium Term Defense Program (MDTP), and revised its article 9 of its Peace Constitution. While the NSC, NSS, MDTP, and article 9 are under the Abe administration, the claim that the steps Abe have undertaken to be revolutionary is in fact, a continuity from his predecessors despite coming from opposing political backgrounds. Despite of several significant changes in its defense policy, Japan still abides to its Constitution and its military is still limited.

Reformasi Sektor Keamanan Demi Demokrasi Penanganan Terorisme di Indonesia Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 9, No 1 (2005): JULI (Demokrasi: Problema dan Manfaatnya)
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Security Sector Reform (SSR) has been takes place in Indonesia. It requires strategic participation of civil society actors, particularly in helping to manage and oversight the security sector. In this regard, SSR essentially is a process of the civilianisation of security sector bureaucracies and the de-politicisation of the security sector, or process of establishing appropriate structures for (democratic) civilian control. Given terroris is a threat to security and in Indonesia, this article also attempts to link the importance of SSR with enhancing capacity for combating terrorism terrorism. It identifies lessons that civilians and military in Indonesia can learn from.

The Implementation of Russian Federation’s Coercive Diplomacy towards Ukraine in the New Great Game Context over Gas Pipeline Dispute (2006 -2009) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Nurhayati Pakpahan
Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 1 (2016): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

The worsening of technical and safety condition of the pipeline infrastructure in Ukraine due to economic crisis following the end of the Cold War had driven Russia to provide compensation to Ukraine through applying subsidy on its gas price and paying the Ukrainian gas imports as long as Ukraine keep its promise to pay back the country’s debt until 2005. However, since Ukraine’s integration with the United States and its Western Allies by asking to become part of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union state members, it refused to pay its high gas debts to Russia. This situation made Russia feels threatened towards its national security where there will be a possibility to the fall of Russian political influence in Ukraine. In 2006, Russia decided to implement its coercive diplomacy actions towards Ukraine through politicizing its gas sector.

The Modernization of Poland Defense Forces to Respond Russia Military Presence in Kaliningrad Oblast (2014-2017) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Widya Dwi Rachmawati
Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 1 (2018): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

The geopolitical security condition of Eastern Europe has undergone a drastic shift from Communist to Democratic ideology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Poland immediately joined the Western alliance, which led to the massive structural changes of the country. The shift has had an enormous impact on Russia where it has made various confrontations to regain its influence in the region. Russia continues to increase tensions by increasing the military capabilities of Kaliningrad Oblast, which is directly bordered by Poland. In response, the Polish government made efforts to modernize its military as part of the Defense White Book 2013 to improve its military capabilities in response to Russian military presence in Kaliningrad Oblast. The role of the global players (EU, NATO, and the USA) is key important to the security stability of the region. Poland on its four pillars specifically calls the alliance with the USA and becomes a member of NATO as an important factor in the formulation of its defense policy, in which Poland could increase the capabilities of its Armed Forces.

THE IMPLEMENTATION OF JAPAN-PHILIPPINES MARITIME DIPLOMACY AS PROACTIVE APPROACH TO RESPOND TO THE ASSERTIVE CHINA IN SOUTH CHINA SEA (2012-2017) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita, Ivena Erwandi
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 2 (2018): Mandala : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik UPN"Veteran"Jakarta

Nowadays, the South China Sea has been identified with increasing defense spending and military modernization of the neighboring countries which are driven by China’s assertiveness in the region. China’s assertive behavior in the South China Sea is an expression of its growing ambition over the region which is part of its core interests. China’s assertiveness is buoyed by its significant military presence and power projection in the region. Japan and the Philippines are having converging threat perceptions towards China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea as well as sharing common interests to balance the assertive China. Contested with China’s assertive behavior, since 2012, Japan and the Philippines have been conducting dynamic maritime diplomacy in order to safeguard the status quo of the sea from the assertive China. The implementation of Japan-Philippines maritime diplomacy in responding to China’s assertiveness in South China Sea is a form of “proactive approach” by Japan, following the “Proactive Contribution to Peace” banner resounded under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe administration. The proactive approach in this research features the concept of “balance of power” and “cooperative maritime diplomacy”.

The Implementation of Australia’s “Stepping-Up Engagement” with the Melanesian States as the Defence Strategy of Australia to Respond to the Rise of China in the South Pacific Region (2013-2018) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 9, No 2 (2020): Andalas Journal of International Studies, Vol 9 No 2 November 2020
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.9.2.149-167.2020

The rise of China in the South Pacific region indicates China’s growing political-diplomatic, economic, and the possibility of military presence within the region. Accordingly, it develops Australia’s threat perception and affects Australia’s national interest. A secure nearer region is the second most important in Australia’s strategic defense interests. Therefore, the stability and security of the South Pacific region are crucial to Australia’s national interests. This research discussed Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” as the defense strategy of Australia to strengthen its bilateral defense relations with the Melanesian states as the response to the rise of China. In addition, the research is constructed by using the concept of national interest, threat perception, defence strategy and bilateral defence relations through qualitative research method. This research explains the implementation of Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” with the Melanesian states as the defence strategy of Australia to respond to the rise of China in the South Pacific region.

The Modi Factor: The Role Of Narendra Modi’s Idiosyncratic Factors In India’s Foreign Policy Responses Towards China Pakistan Economic Corridor Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 8, No 2 (2019): Andalas Journal of International Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is one of the causes of worsening Sino-Indian relations in recent years. The Economic Corridor runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India has claimed as its territory for decades. India sees thie Project as a violation of its sovereignty, but China defends the Project, saying that it is purely an economic connectivity project without strategic purposes. Seeing the possible worsening relations, India initiated to invite Xi Jinping for an Informal Summit with Narendra Modi. With a longstanding historical relationship with China, and his personal style diplomacy, Modi manages to fix some misconception with Xi Jinping on several issues. While trying to fix Sino-Indian relations, Narendra Modi is at the same time still firm on its opposition towards the Project. The authors observe that Narendra Modi’s personality plays a big role in India’s response towards China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Modi’s strong and assertive personality, coupled with his Hindu-nationalist belief, explained the Indian decision to firmly opposing the CPEC. On the other hand, the footprints of Modi’s charisma, personal-style diplomacy, and his longstanding relationship with China, are visible in the Wuhan Summit, in which Modi became the spearhead of diplomacy.

Co-Authors Abdullah Zulkifli Adelia Wulandari Agung Risdhianto Agung Risdhianto Agung Rishdianto Agung Rishianto Agus Sudarya Agus Sudarya Akhmad Sultoni Yahya Akmal Nugraha, Deja Akmhad Sultoni Yahya Albubaroq, Hikmat Zakky Andriyanto, Kristoforus Evan Annisa Dipa Pertiwi Arcelinocent Emile Pangemanan Asrudin, Muhammad Brahmana, Dedy Putra BUDI PRAMONO Dedy Putra Brahmana Denisa Rizkiya Denisa Rizkiya Dewi, Dyah Apriliana Chandra Editha Praditya Eko Hadisancoko, Rizeriu Ernasari, Cici Fadhlur Rivanda Febry Hadiaty Furqon Hananto, Subarkah Hashmi, Hassan Raza Hassan Raza Hashmi Heni Yekti Pamulatsih Herlina Juni Risma Saragih Hikmat Zakky al Mubaroq I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wenas Inkiriwang Inkiriwang, Frega Ferdinand Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega Wenas Ircha Tri Meilisa Irene Irene Jennie Joyce Candice Jennie Joyce Candice Joodael, Kim Joseph Tertia Joseph Tertia Kim, Joodael Kurniawan Kurniawan Firmuzi Syarifuddin Lazuardi Loqman Ar Rahman Luangphane, Chanthaboun Lubis, Lia Aulia M. Adnan Madjid Madjid, M. Adnan Mahroza, Jonni Makarim Wibisono Megawati Putri Militia Christi Pandelaki Militia Christi Pandelaki Montolalu, Reynaldo Rudy Kristian Muhamad Hasanuddin Wahid Muhammad Arkan Muhammad Ilham Razak Munif Prasojo Nisrina Nadhifa Nugraha, Deja Akmal Nurhayati Pakpahan Oktaheroe Ramsi Pamulatsih, Heni Yekti Pandelaki, Militia Christi Pedrason, Rodon Peni Hanggarini Praditya, Editha Purwantoro, Susilo Adi R, Andana Prawitra Rahma Yustika Dewi Reza A.A Wattimena Ria Putri Santoso Riant Nugroho Rizerius Eko Hadi Sancoko Rui Duarte Santoso, Ria Putri Saqib Athar Dil Sudibyo Sudibyo Sudibyo Surachman Surjaatmadja Suyono Thamrin Tertia, Joseph Tia Dikatama Tsania Vania Lalita Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wicaksono, Tresno Widjayanto, Joni Widya Dwi Rachmawati Wiranto, Surya Yasintha Selly Rossiana Yusuf Ali

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