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Narrowing the Global Gap: Eco-Social Market Economy as New Perspective to Deal with Global Economic Inequality and Economic Insecurity in 21st Century Reza A.A Wattimena; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 6, No 1 (2017): Andalas Journal of International Studies Vol 6 no 1
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (444.973 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.6.1.1-16.2017

Abstract

Global economic inequality, namely the economic inequality between various countries and regions, is one of the biggest challenges of 21st century. Thus, it has also become an important issue in economic security. It creates extreme poverty in the face of abundant living in several rich countries and regions. It is also the root of other global problems, such as human trafficking, spreads of slums, diseases, and international network of radicalism, extremism and terrorism. Because of the global scope, the world needs to develop new perspective in combating global economic inequality and its negative consequences. Eco-social market economy, which is developed from the German social theories, can offer such perspective. It balances between two important areas of social life, namely social justice on the one hand, and ecological awareness of the other hand. This paper elaborates the basic notions and implementations of eco-social market economy in global level to overcome the issue of global economic inequality in 21st century as a new perspective in addressing the issue of economic insecurity in our current global economic, political and security interactions.
CO-OPERATIVE MARITIME DIPLOMACY: THE RESOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINES-INDONESIA MARITIME BORDER DISPUTE (1994-2014) Anak agung Banyu perwita; Ircha Tri Meilisa
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 7, No 2 (2018): ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS)
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (624.968 KB) | DOI: 10.25077/ajis.7.2.130-148.2018

Abstract

The formation of national integrity in the international circuit is essential for a state. National integrity can be seen by fixed territory where a state can exercise their sovereignty in certain area portrayed by a fix border with neighboring countries both in the land and sea. The Philippines has been claimed over its territory based on the Treaty of Paris as the result of the Spanish American war that ceded the sovereignty over the archipelago of the Philippines to the United State. With respect to its history, the Philippines faced the dilemma whether or not it should redefine its baseline law in accordance with the UNLOS provisions. This dilemma then leads to unclear territorial boundary with its neighboring country-- Indonesia.Hence, this article aims to analyze the Philippines-Indonesia maritime border dispute in the Exclusive Economic Zone  from Celebes to Mindanao sea. Using the neoliberalism perspective, the authors analyzed the interest of the Philippines to establish cooperation with Indonesia related to the national territory of each country, each legislation, maritime zones, and exercise of sovereignty over disputes maritime territories. Meanwhile, co-operative maritime diplomacy also used to determine the Philippines action in the form of bilateral cooperation, joint exercise on maritime security and regional cooperation to secure the Philippines and Indonesia maritime areas. On behalf of common interest, both countries succeed in maintaining their relations to achieve mutual goals regardless of boundaries. Furthermore, the foreign policy theory will also  play an intervening role to explain the regulation about the dispute settlement efforts of delimitation boundary between the Philippines and Indonesia.
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM’S DEFENSE POLICY IN ENCOUNTERING PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA’S STRATEGIC POSITION IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Rahma Yustika Dewi
Jurnal Politica Vol 8, No 1 (2017): Jurnal Politica
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v8i1.886

Abstract

Posisi strategis China dalam Laut China Selatan telah mengundang banyak kontroversi, terutama dengan negara penuntut. Aktivitas yang telah dilakukan oleh China memicu tensi tinggi terutama dengan Vietnam sebagai salah satu penggugat terbesar di sengketa Laut China Selatan. China telah melakukan pengeboran minyak di laut yang bersengketa dengan Vietnam dan menyerang kapal eksplorasi minyak yang beroperasi di wilayah EEZ Vietnam sebagai bagian dari Laut China Selatan. Contoh aksi Beijing tersebut telah membuat Hanoi khawatir atas gugatan mereka di Laut China Selatan. Pada tahun 2009, Vietnam mengeluarkan Buku Putih Pertahanan berisi kebijakan pertahanan Vietnam serta kepedulian Vietnam dalam sengketa Laut China Selatan. Vietnam telah menerapkan kebijakan pertahanan di bidang ekonomi, militer, politik, dan teknologi. Implementasi kebijakan pertahanan Vietnam adalah bagian dari tindakan Vietnam dalam menghadapi posisi strategis China di perairan yang disengketakan. Secara general, tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menganalisa persoalan khusus dengan menggunakan teori realisme defensive dan kebijakan pertahanan untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian bagaimana Vietnam mengimplementasikan kebijakan pertahanannya dalam menghadapi posisi strategis China di Laut China Selatan.
THE POWER BALANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA: THE STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION WITH REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN (2010-2014) Megawati Putri; AnakAgung Banyu Perwita
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 1, No 1 (2016): September 2016 - February 2017
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (614.163 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v1i1.82

Abstract

The strategic value of the Central Asia region attracts Russia, United States (U.S.) and China to try to get closer with the region. The abundant energy reserves and strategic location to spread military influence leads Central Asia becoming a strategic arena. Seeing the competition of external interested parties in Central Asia, it increases the awareness of Russian Federation as the major power which has already become a dominant actor on that region since the collapse of Soviet Union; as the big brother of former Soviet Union, Russia feels the stabilization of the region becomes Russian responsibility.  To prevent the spreading of external major powers on the region and to manage the power balance in Central Asia, Russia sets its military strategy to keep its military influence in the region. The main focus of this article is presenting the implementation of Russian military strategies by utilize its strategic partnership with Kazakhstan as the shortcut to succeed the implementation of those military strategies.
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF FRANCE’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY: REINFORCING FRENCH NATIONAL SECURITY TO RESPOND ISIS THREATS IN 2014 - 2016 Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (865.954 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.611

Abstract

Serangkaian serangan teror yang terjadi di Prancis sejak deklarasi kekhalifahan ISIS pada tahun 2014 telah membuktikan bahwa ruang lingkup operasi ISIS tidak lagi terbatas pada wilayah mereka, melainkan telah menyebar ke seluruh dunia. Oleh karena itu, dengan dasar rencana Vigipirate, Perancis telah berusaha untuk memaksimalkan upaya mereka dalam menanggapi serangan, mulai dari persatuan nasional dalam menghadapi masalah terorisme, intervensi langsung terhadap pangkalan utama ISIS, operasi di dalam negeri, dan bahkan memproklamirkan keadaan darurat negara. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implementasi kebijakan keamanan nasional Prancis dalam menanggapi ancaman tersebut. Meskipun serangan teror masih terjadi hingga saat ini, tetapi analisis fokus kepatuhan ini hanya terbatas pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Francois Hollande dari tahun 2014 - 2016. Dalam temuan tersebut, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa selama pemerintahan Presiden Francois Hollande, upaya sekuritisasi Perancis tidak menjadi penghalang bagi militan ISIS dalam meluncurkan aksi mereka di tanah Prancis.
India-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation in Indo-Pacific: Creating a Maritime Power Nexus in Balancing China (2012-2017) Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Joseph Tertia
Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) Vol 10, No 19 (2018): January - June
Publisher : Universitas Pelita Harapan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19166/verity.v10i19.1306

Abstract

In the 21st century, the Indo-Pacific security situation has undergone rapid changes, mainly due to China's maritime expansion and the weakening of US influence in the region. Responding to this situation, India and Japan, as regional powers, decided to work together. Following a speech by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in 2007, India and Japan met about maritime security. Following Abe's re-election as Prime Minister in 2012, Japan expanded it's security scope and began seeing India as an important security partner. At the same time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Act East' policy pushed India to take a more proactive role in the eastern region, including Japan. India and Japan then aligned their strategic policies to strengthen maritime cooperation. This article explains the implementation of Indian-Japanese maritime cooperation in balancing China in the Indo-Pacific.Bahasa Abstrak: Di abad ke-21, keadaan keamanan Indo-Pasifik mengalami perubahan yang pesat, terutama dikarenakan oleh ekspansi maritim China dan melemahnya pengaruh Amerika Serikat di kawasan. Meresponi situasi ini, India dan Jepang sebagai kekuatan kawasan memutuskan untuk bekerja sama. Berdasarkan pidato Perdana Menteri Shinzo Abe pada 2007, India dan Jepang memiliki titik temu di bidang keamanan maritim. Mengikuti kembali berkuasanya Perdana Menteri Shinzo Abe pada 2012, Jepang telah memperluas lingkup keamannya di mana Jepang memandang pentingnya India sebagai mitra keamanan. Sementara itu, kebijakan ‘Act East’ Perdana Menteri Narendra Modi telah mendorong India untuk mengambil peran yang lebih proaktif ke kawasan bagian timur, termasuk Jepang. India dan Jepang kemudian menyelaraskan kebijakan strategis mereka untuk memperkuat kerja sama maritim. Artikel ini menjelaskan implementasi kerja sama maritim India-Jepang dalam menyeimbangkan China di Indo-Pasifik.
THE INDONESIAN NAVY’S ACTIVITIES TO SECURE THE NORTH NATUNA SEA FROM THE PESPECTIVE OF THE NAVY’S TRINITY ROLES (2014 - 2019) Vania Lalita; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 6, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : The Republic of Indonesia Defense University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33172/jp.v6i2.828

Abstract

This article aims to explicate the role and activities of the Indonesian Navy to protect Indonesia's sovereignty in the North Natuna Sea based on the perspective of the Naval Trinity Theory. To do so, this paper combines the application of some pertinent concepts and theories, such as maritime security theory, maritime diplomacy, and the Navy trinity roles of Ken Booth. It shows that those pertinent concepts and theories are very essential to further understand the roles and activities of the Indonesian Navy to protect our sovereignty in the North Natuna Sea. This paper utilizes the method of descriptive qualitative research by looking at the activities of the Indonesian Navy's to Secure North Natuna Sea from the perspective of the Navy’s Trinity Roles (2014 - 2019).
THE US STRATEGY OF ARMED DRONE USAGE IN FIGHTING THE TALIBAN ELEMENTS IN PAKISTAN (2004-2016) Nisrina Nadhifa; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 5, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : The Republic of Indonesia Defense University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (163.88 KB) | DOI: 10.33172/jp.v5i2.504

Abstract

Prior to the Trump’s presidency the US have performed as many as 400 armed drone strikes in Pakistan, killing approximately 3.000 terrorist targets including key leaders that hold important value to the organizations. More than a decade these attacks were performed, yet we have not seen the end of the terrorist and insurgent’s presence in Pakistan. This leads into a thought whether the attacks were effective or not. Therefore, this study aims to analyze, predominantly  evaluating the use of the targeted killing strategy in this US counterterrorism effort. The study uses qualitative research method by using Robert A. Pape’s perspective in strategic effectiveness and David Galula’s counterinsurgency perspective. Those perspectives pointed out the cause of this situation is due to the inability of the attacked target set to trigger the destruction of the movement, the inability of the US to secure the ends, ways, and means of the operation which involve the dissociation between the population and the insurgents, their ability to forge proper cooperation with its local ally, and the un-favoring view of the local population toward its targeted killings practice has resulted in the infectivity of the strategy and a prolonged fight between the US and its opponent. In sum, it can be inferred that despite capable of eliminating numerous high-value targets the targeted killing strategy is deemed ineffective due to its inability to procure full destruction of its opponent and due to the inability of the US to secure the ends, ways, and means of the operation which would have increase the success of the strategy.
DIPLOMASI PERTAHANAN MARITIM INDONESIA: KERJASAMA KEMARITIMAN INDONESIA – AUSTRALIA DALAM ‘PLAN OF ACTION FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE JOINT DECLARATION ON MARITIME COOPERATION 2018-2022’ Arcelinocent Emile Pangemanan, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Maritim Indonesia (Indonesian Maritime Journal) Vol 10, No 1 (2022): JURNAL MARITIM INDONESIA VOLUME 10 NOMOR 1
Publisher : PUSJIANMAR SESKOAL

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52307/jmi.v10i1.101

Abstract

Belum berlakunya ketentuan perbatasan Indonesia - Australia dalam Perth Treaty 1997 mengundang berbagai ancaman tersendiri terhadap keberlangsungan kedua negara, sehingga status kawasan perbatasan tersebut perlu dipetakan dengan tepat. Peraturan Presiden Nomor 16 Tahun 2017 tetang Kebijakan Kelautan Indonesia, sebagai suatu roadmap kemaritiman Indonesia, telah mengamanatkan bahwa program prioritas kemaritiman negara ialah melaksanakan percepatan perundingan batas maritim Indonesia dengan negara tetangga melalui mekanisme diplomasi pertahanan maritim yang berakar pada cita-cita Poros Maritim Dunia (PMD). Dengan demikian, Indonesia pada dasarnya mengartikan diplomasi pertahanan maritim sebagai bentuk implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia yang dilakukan demi mencapai tujuan besar kemaritimannya, sehingga memberikan kesempatan bagi Indonesia untuk mengembangkan kemampuan kemaritimannya sembari menjaga dan mempertahankan integritas wilayah kedaulatannya, salah satunya melalui Joint Declaration on Maritime Cooperation beserta dengan plan of action yang terdiri dari sembilan area prioritas. Tentu kerjasama kemaritiman tersebut bertujuan untuk mewujudkan tercapainya confidence building meassure yang dapat menunjang keamanan, pertahanan, kepastian hukum terhadap hak berdaulat, pengembangan kemampuan kemaritiman hingga mewujudkan kesejahteraan masyarakat secara bersama.Kata Kunci: Diplomasi Pertahanan Maritim, Poros Maritim Dunia, Kerjasama Maritim, Perbatasan Maritim, Indonesia - AustraliaAbstractThe non-enactment of the Indonesia-Australia border resolved in 1997 Perth Treaty invites various threats to the sustainability of both parties, hence the status of its border needs to be mapped accurately. Presidential Regulation Number 16 of 2017 on Indonesian Maritime Policy has mandated that the national maritime policy has to prioritize the acceleration of Indonesia's maritime boundaries negotiation with its neighboring countries through a maritime defense diplomacy mechanism rooted in the ideals of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). Thus, Indonesia defines maritime defense diplomacy as a form of foreign policies that carried out to achieve its national maritime goals, thereby providing an opportunity to develop its maritime capabilities while maintaining its territorial integrity, one of which is through the Joint Declaration on Maritime Cooperation along with its plan of action that consisting of nine priority areas. By this manner, this cooperation aims to achieve confidence building measures that can ensure its national security, defence, legality of its rights, development of maritime capabilities and the prosperity of both countries.Key Words: Maritime Defence Diplomacy, Global Maritime Fulcrum, Maritime Cooperation, Maritime Border, Indonesia - Australia
JAPAN – U.S. BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF “THE JOINT STATEMENT OF THE SECURITY CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE (SCC)” IN COUNTERING NORTH KOREA’S BALLISTIC MISSILES PROGRAM (2015-2019) Febry Hadiaty; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 5 No 01 (2020): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v5i1.168

Abstract

Asia-Pacific (now also known as Indo-Pacific) region has a highly complex geopolitics and strategic environment with the fact that some political confrontation and conflicts still remain unsolved within the region. One of important issues in the region also includes North Korea’s ballistic missiles program. This program has become a rapid growing threat for both regional and global security. The lack of accountability on the program and erratic leadership of Kim Jong-Un have also projected threats for the United States and its allies, including Japan. The alliance between Washington and Tokyo has been able to become a remarkable resilient security partnership and has served as the cornerstone for the region’s stability. Both countries have conducted many defense cooperation in several areas, including for ballistic missiles defense cooperation. As one of the forms of the ballistic missiles defense cooperation between Japan and the U.S., the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) as the alliance’s primary defense forum produces joint statement which also highlights the ballistic missiles defense cooperation of Japan and the U.S. to counter North Korea’s ballistic missiles program. Therefore, this article analyzes the implementation of the joint statement of the SCC in deterring North Korea’s ballistic missiles program, particularly the joint statement in the period of 2015 to 2019. In analyzing that, this article uses qualitative method that relies on the primary and secondary resources found that Japan and the U.S. implemented their joint statement of the SCC by enhancing the capabilities of their ballistic missiles defense system.
Co-Authors Abdullah Zulkifli Adelia Wulandari Agung Risdhianto Agung Risdhianto Agung Rishdianto Agung Rishianto Agus Sudarya Agus Sudarya Akhmad Sultoni Yahya Akmal Nugraha, Deja Akmhad Sultoni Yahya Albubaroq, Hikmat Zakky Andriyanto, Kristoforus Evan Annisa Dipa Pertiwi Arcelinocent Emile Pangemanan Asrudin, Muhammad Brahmana, Dedy Putra BUDI PRAMONO Dedy Putra Brahmana Denisa Rizkiya Denisa Rizkiya Dewi, Dyah Apriliana Chandra Editha Praditya Eko Hadisancoko, Rizeriu Ernasari, Cici Fadhlur Rivanda Febry Hadiaty Furqon Hananto, Subarkah Hashmi, Hassan Raza Hassan Raza Hashmi Heni Yekti Pamulatsih Herlina Juni Risma Saragih Hikmat Zakky al Mubaroq I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wenas Inkiriwang Inkiriwang, Frega Ferdinand Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega Wenas Ircha Tri Meilisa Irene Irene Jennie Joyce Candice Jennie Joyce Candice Joodael, Kim Joseph Tertia Joseph Tertia Kim, Joodael Kurniawan Kurniawan Firmuzi Syarifuddin Lazuardi Loqman Ar Rahman Luangphane, Chanthaboun Lubis, Lia Aulia M. Adnan Madjid Madjid, M. Adnan Mahroza, Jonni Makarim Wibisono Megawati Putri Militia Christi Pandelaki Militia Christi Pandelaki Montolalu, Reynaldo Rudy Kristian Muhamad Hasanuddin Wahid Muhammad Arkan Muhammad Ilham Razak Munif Prasojo Nisrina Nadhifa Nugraha, Deja Akmal Nurhayati Pakpahan Oktaheroe Ramsi Pamulatsih, Heni Yekti Pandelaki, Militia Christi Pedrason, Rodon Peni Hanggarini Praditya, Editha Purwantoro, Susilo Adi R, Andana Prawitra Rahma Yustika Dewi Reza A.A Wattimena Ria Putri Santoso Riant Nugroho Rizerius Eko Hadi Sancoko Rui Duarte Santoso, Ria Putri Saqib Athar Dil Sudibyo Sudibyo Sudibyo Surachman Surjaatmadja Suyono Thamrin Tertia, Joseph Tia Dikatama Tsania Vania Lalita Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wicaksono, Tresno Widjayanto, Joni Widya Dwi Rachmawati Wiranto, Surya Yasintha Selly Rossiana Yusuf Ali