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THE SHIFT AND CONTINUITY OF THE PHILIPPINES’ FOREIGN POLICY UNDER RODRIGO DUTERTE ON THE SOUTH CHINA SEA ISSUE Jennie Joyce Candice; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 6 No 01 (2021): Dinamika Global : Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Universitas Jenderal Ahmad Yani

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36859/jdg.v6i01.396

Abstract

The South China Sea (SCS) has become the largest and the crucial Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) not only for Southeast Asia but also for the world. As one of the claimants of the South China Sea, Philippines were always and will always be trying to protect its national interests in the disputed waterways as part of its national territory. This article discusses about the shift and continuity of the Philippines’ foreign policy on the South China Sea issue. It explicates the shift and continuity of Philippines foreign policy under Rodrigo Duterte to the South China Sea. A more focus elaboration will be devoted on how the Philippines implemented its foreign policy to deal with China in the South China Sea dispute.It argues that Duterte foreign policy to this delicate issue is always based on the strategic dynamic of its “two-level game” (domestic and international political stimuli) to its national interests.
ASPEK ADMINISTRASI DAN MANAJEMEN PERBATASAN NEGARA Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi: Media Pengembangan Ilmu dan Praktek Administrasi Vol 6, No 3 (2009): Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi Lembaga Administrasi Negara

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31113/jia.v6i3.367

Abstract

The management of development in our border issues, which to date has not been optimal, is a crucial issue in Indonesia today. This internal problem and the possibility of neighboring countries claiming part of our national territory have increasingly turned this issue into a priority for the Indonesian government. This article discusses our limited capacity to manage and protect its boundaries which will have real impacts to both internally and externally. This article argues thatthe complicated character of the national border issue, which is related to various types of threat, the wider field of national security, limited resources and the perception of threats, requires a more comprehensive policy framework. Internally, the effective management of national territorial boundaries will not only strengthen nation-state building but also contribute to the creation of regional security. This can be achieved by establishing cooperation with the relevant neighboring states. But, of course, we must also be able to take cognizance of various other dimensions, such as the economic, social, legal and diplomatic fields in managing our national borders.
Assessing Russia's Military Strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean through the Establishment of an A2/AD (Anti-Access/Anti Denial Zone) Militia Christi Pandelaki; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (804.414 KB) | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic/v5n2.3

Abstract

The Eastern Mediterranean has long been the area of interests of Russia’s military power. Referring to one of the on-going armed conflicts in the region, Russia has expanded its claws by militarily intervening in Syria to prevent the regime from collapsing. As the only left arbiter in the war who prioritize a political settlement in Syria, although there are various interests between the actors that involved, Russia has decided to involve in several military operations with Turkey. As the meaning to actualize its interest in operating an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, Russia is taking Turkey as its significant partner to simplify and to secure its interest in establishing an A2/AD zone. By analyzing several primary and secondary data, this research concluded that Russia’s goals have been divided into two, first is the short-term goal which is to keep Assad in power. Second, the long term goal which is to deter the influence of the Western by deploying its advanced armed forces in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Sekuritisasi Isu Maritim: Koordinasi Nasional dan Kerangka Kerja Sama Maritim Regional di Asia Tenggara Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This article discusses the significance of Malacca Straits as one of the pivotal sea lines in the world. It argues that the security of Malacca Straits involves the nexus of external and internal maritime security and therefore it should be assessed by dual approach. This article emphasize the maritime security problems in the Malacca Straits and concludes by advocating a more comprehensive maritime security framework—particularly to Indonesia, ASEAN, and other non-regional actors—in order to bring new approaches to the maritime security problem in the Malacca Straits.
Agenda dan Tantangan Politik Luar Negeri Bebas Aktif: Sebuah Refleksi Teoretis Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 9, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

THE UTILIZATION OF MILITARY POWER IN FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE UNITED KINGDOM AS A DIALOGUE PARTNER FOR ASEAN Kurniawan Firmuzi Syarifuddin; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Munif Prasojo
Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 8, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : The Republic of Indonesia Defense University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33172/jp.v8i1.1335

Abstract

The acceptance of the United Kingdom as a new ASEAN dialogue partner ended the 22-year moratorium and stepped over several other countries. Becoming an ASEAN dialogue partner is one of the focuses of the United Kingdom's attention after leaving the European Union. To secure its national interests, the United Kingdom also restructured its defense strategy, which combined security, development, and foreign policy strategies in the Integrated Reviews. One of the military maneuvers carried out is ‘tilt’ to the Indo-Pacific Region as one of the new strategies. This article examines whether the United Kingdom military can play a crucial role in preparing a country's foreign policy regarding the acceptance of the United Kingdom as an ASEAN dialogue partner. A qualitative descriptive method has been chosen to complete the research through a case study approach. The study results that the various military deployment efforts carried out by the United Kingdom ultimately led to acceptance as an ASEAN dialogue partner. However, the research found that various supporting foreign policy factors must be comprehensively and interrelated to obtain an optimal foreign policy.
INDONESIA–AUSTRALIA MARITIME COOPERATION AND ITS IMPLICATION ON INDONESIA’S MARITIME SECURITY AND SOVEREIGNTY Arcelinocent Emile Pangemanan; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Sudibyo Sudibyo
Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity Vol 8, No 3 (2022)
Publisher : The Republic of Indonesia Defense University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33172/jp.v8i3.1870

Abstract

Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) has provided a roadmap for realizing Indonesia’s maritime security and sovereignty with an active contribution regionally and globally. The research method used in this research is content analysis, which is an approach in qualitative research that in research that refers to systematic data and text collections that can be managed to support the research itself. The rise of transnational maritime crime has a major impact on why Indonesia and Australia are keen on building trust through maritime cooperation, for it has the potential to disrupt and threaten national development, therefore this research aims to the mapped diplomatic mechanism through GMF, as a framework that hostess Indonesia–Australia Maritime Cooperation and its plan of actions in ensuring Indonesia’s maritime security and sovereignty. The maritime cooperation between Indonesia and Australia has improved the integrated defense and security capabilities of both countries through capacity building, although the plan of action will end in 2022, therefore harnessing the longevity of the maritime cooperation is considered crucial.  
Foreign Policy and Defense Diplomacy in ASEAN to Maintain Stability and Security in the Indo-Pacific Region Abdullah Zulkifli; Makarim Wibisono; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Jonni Mahroza
Publica: Jurnal Pemikiran Administrasi Negara Vol 15, No 1 (2023): Pemikiran Administrasi Negara 5
Publisher : Department of Public Administration

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jpan.v15i1.25091

Abstract

The ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific (AOIP) is intended to transform rivalries in the region into collaboration by prioritizing, among other things, maritime cooperation. AOIP influences Indonesia's defense diplomacy in ASEAN and the Indo-Pacific. The framework for defense diplomacy and maritime cooperation is used to analyze the role of AOIP in encouraging cooperation to increase stability and mutual trust. The defense diplomacy framework is used to analyze various Indonesian defense diplomacy policies in producing various agreements and cooperation in the field of defense and security. The maritime security cooperation framework is used to highlight various cooperation and activities to enhance maritime security in the Indo-Pacific region, and geopolitics to analyze the dynamics of global political and security developments, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. Indonesia by initiating the formation of AOIP encourages defense diplomacy to create stability and increase mutual trust, one of which is for maritime security cooperation. Obstacles that arise because the implementation of AOIP has not been carried out due to the pandemic and the complexity of various interests between actors (states), but Indonesia's defense diplomacy to produce defense cooperation remains wide open
The Implementation of India’s Maritime Doctrine to Respond China Naval Presence in Indian Ocean Region Anak Agung Banyu Perwita; Fadhlur Rivanda
Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies
Publisher : Department of International Relations, University of Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.38

Abstract

Indian Ocean is a strategic and crucial location of the region and became the centre of global politics. Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has several important gulfs, straits, bays and seas within which most of it located in the northern part of the ocean. Major shipment routes intersect its enormous area, with crucial choke points and water courses connecting Indian Ocean to other main ocean parts on the earth. Indian Ocean region is part of China’s significant security interests, where China is currently leading to an ever advanced military existence within the area. China’s overpowering strategic focus in the Indian Ocean is the preservation of their maritime trading routes, particularly those transporting oil and gas that the Chinese economy relies upon. Indian Ocean Region is at the top of Indian policy priorities. India’s vision for Indian Ocean Region is deep-rooted in preceding cooperation in the region and to use their capabilities for the benefit of all in their common maritime home. The Indian Ocean holds particular importance for India. India is definitely trying to maintain their national security interests in Indian Ocean. In response to the condition in the Indian Ocean, India implemented its Indian Maritime Doctrine which is applied through Indian Navy as the way to respond China’s naval existence in IOR since 2008. This implementation brings the sources of its naval application as an effort to balance China’s naval presence in IOR through its doctrine. The unilateral naval effort is held to respond China in IOR. Moreover, a further effort of Indian navy is needed through bilateral cooporation that will further support its unilateral effort in balancing China’s active presence in the region.
ASPEK ADMINISTRASI DAN MANAJEMEN PERBATASAN NEGARA Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi: Media Pengembangan Ilmu dan Praktek Administrasi Vol. 6 No. 3 (2009): Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Administrasi Lembaga Administrasi Negara

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31113/jia.v6i3.367

Abstract

The management of development in our border issues, which to date has not been optimal, is a crucial issue in Indonesia today. This internal problem and the possibility of neighboring countries claiming part of our national territory have increasingly turned this issue into a priority for the Indonesian government. This article discusses our limited capacity to manage and protect its boundaries which will have real impacts to both internally and externally. This article argues thatthe complicated character of the national border issue, which is related to various types of threat, the wider field of national security, limited resources and the perception of threats, requires a more comprehensive policy framework. Internally, the effective management of national territorial boundaries will not only strengthen nation-state building but also contribute to the creation of regional security. This can be achieved by establishing cooperation with the relevant neighboring states. But, of course, we must also be able to take cognizance of various other dimensions, such as the economic, social, legal and diplomatic fields in managing our national borders.
Co-Authors Abdullah Zulkifli Adelia Wulandari Agung Risdhianto Agung Risdhianto Agung Rishdianto Agung Rishdianto Agus Sudarya Agus Sudarya Akhmad Sultoni Yahya Akmal Nugraha, Deja Akmhad Sultoni Yahya Albubaroq, Hikmat Zakky Andriyanto, Kristoforus Evan Annisa Dipa Pertiwi Arcelinocent Emile Pangemanan Asrudin, Muhammad Athar Dil, Saqib Baresi, Muhammad Jordan Brahmana, Dedy Putra BUDI PRAMONO Dedy Putra Brahmana Denisa Rizkiya Denisa Rizkiya Dewi, Dyah Apriliana Chandra Editha Praditya Eko Hadisancoko, Rizeriu Ernasari, Cici Estirahayu, Ferditania Fadhlur Rivanda Febry Hadiaty Furqon Hananto, Subarkah Hashmi, Hassan Raza Hendarwoto, Yermia Heni Yekti Pamulatsih Herlina Juni Risma Saragih Hikmat Zakky al Mubaroq Huliyani, Tri I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wenas Inkiriwang Inkiriwang, Frega Ferdinand Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega Wenas Ircha Tri Meilisa Irene Irene Jennie Joyce Candice Jennie Joyce Candice Joodael, Kim Joseph Tertia Joseph Tertia Kim, Joodael Kurniawan Kurniawan Firmuzi Syarifuddin Lazuardi Loqman Ar Rahman Lazuardi Loqman Ar Rahman Luangphane, Chanthaboun Lubis, Lia Aulia M. Adnan Madjid Madjid, M. Adnan Mahroza, Jonni Makarim Wibisono Masitoh, Yuniar Tri Megawati Putri Militia Christi Pandelaki Militia Christi Pandelaki Montolalu, Reynaldo Rudy Kristian Muhamad Hasanuddin Wahid Muhammad Arkan Muhammad Ilham Razak Munif Prasojo Nisrina Nadhifa Norlyanti, Nia Nugraha, Deja Akmal Nurhayati Pakpahan Nurjanah, Ita Oktaheroe Ramsi Pamulatsih, Heni Yekti Pandelaki, Militia Christi Pedrason, Rodon Peni Hanggarini Praditya, Editha Purwantoro, Susilo Adi R, Andana Prawitra Rahma Yustika Dewi Rahmadhani, Putri Reza A.A Wattimena Ria Putri Santoso Riant Nugroho Rishianto, Agung Rizerius Eko Hadi Sancoko Rudy, Elphis Rui Duarte Santoso, Ria Putri Silaen, Christo Ariel Mario Simamora, Yohana Meyrida Sudibyo Sudibyo Sudibyo Suminar, Sekar Hesti Surachman Surjaatmadja Suyono Thamrin Tertia, Joseph Thamrin, Suyono Tia Dikatama Tsania Vania Lalita Wahid, Muhamad Hasanuddin Wenas Inkiriwang, Frega F. Wicaksono, Tresno Widjayanto, Joni Widya Dwi Rachmawati Wiranto, Surya Yasintha Selly Rossiana Yusuf Ali