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Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Menjadikan Guatemala Sebagai Safe Third Country dalam Upaya Penanganan Arus Migrasi (2019-2020) Cici Afriani Jamal; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33513

Abstract

The United States is the destination country for foreign migrants from countries in Central America. This resulted in a border crisis caused by an increase in the number of asylum seekers in the United States. So this is a threat to the national security of the United States. Therefore, the United States through its policy of making an asylum cooperation agreement with Guatemala to minimize the flow of migration coming from Central America by making Guatemala a Safe Third Country, where asylum seekers will be diverted to follow the procedural process related to permitting asylum claims in Guatemala as a Safe Third Country in order to minimize the increase in the number of foreign migrants in the United States. However, Guatemala is said to have not met the standards set as a Safe Third Country because it is a country that has high levels of violence, inequality, poverty, an inappropriate system and unstable domestic conditions. However, the United States has its own reasons for establishing Guatemala as a Safe Third Country. This study uses neoclassical realism theory with an analytical tool in the form of a multilevel approach. The author collects data using the literature study method through journals/articles, books, websites, and international news. This research is explanatory which aims to reveal “Why did the United States choose to implement a Safe Third Country system policy towards Guatemala?”. The results of this study are the reason the United States set the policy, namely because it prioritizes national security by carrying out a migration policy with countries that already have previous relationships and cooperation.
Diplomasi Indonesia dalam Penanganan Kasus Wilfrida Soik di Malaysia Tahun 2010-2015 Ardillah Fauziyyah Dewi; Reni Windiani
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i3.28077

Abstract

This research discusses about Indonesian diplomacy of Wilfrida Soik case in Malaysia on 2010-2015.  Wilfrida Soik is an Indonesian worker who is threatened with a death penalty because of a murder case committed to her employer.  This research aims to explain the problems of Indonesian workers in Malaysia which focus on Wilfrida Soik case. Diplomacy is also carried out by Indonesian government to liberate Wilfrida Soik from the death penalty in Malaysia since 2010. This research analyses Indonesia's diplomacy efforts through the government and related parties by using multi-track diplomacy and protection diplomacy concepts. This research uses qualitative research methods and data collection techniques through literature studies and interviews. The final results of this research showed that Indonesian diplomacy in Wilfrida Soik case was carried out through diplomacy efforts by the government, legal assistance and advocacy efforts by Migrant CARE.  The multi-track diplomacy in the Wilfrida Soik case was conducted through nine channels, those are government, NGOs, business, citizens, education, activists, religious activities, fundraising and communication in the form of public opinion.  The actions from Indonesian government and various non-governmental entities was indirect attempts to absolve Wilfrida Soik from the verdict. It is categorized as indirect due to the independent decision of the High Court which cannot be contested. Thus the liberation attempts from those entities need to be affecting the decision of the Malaysian High Court. The efforts of the Indonesian government and various non-governmental entities in conducting protection diplomacy fulfill several aspects of multi-track diplomacy, so that the efforts made by the government had achieved the goals of diplomacy in the Wilfrida Soik case.
Analisis Kepentingan Sudan dalam Pembukaan Hubungan Diplomatik dengan Israel Tahun 2020 Larissa Amelinda Soeryana; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33418

Abstract

Since it reached it’s Independence, for years, Sudan hasn’t only been active on sendingaids to Palestine and actively advocating Palestine’s independence on InternationalOrganizations, but also, Sudan made a regulation on boycotting Israel. At the year of2020, in all of a sudden, Sudan opened a diplomatic relation with Israel. This causedpeople to question because Sudan has been supporting Palestine for years and Israel isPalestine’s mortal enemy. This research is aiming to find the reasons behind Sudan’sdecision on opening a diplomatic relation with Israel. With the datas that are collectedfrom books and news, it’s found that not only that Sudan has been struggling domesticallysince it’s independence, but also since the separation of the North and South Sudan, it’sdomestic situation has only been going worse. In this position, Sudan’s only hope was toget help from other country, but this option is impossible to achieve because Sudan is stillin the US’s terrorist list. Based on the facts found, it can be concluded that the openingof the diplomatic relation between Sudan and Israel was based on Sudan’s rational wayof making decisions to achieve it’s national interest, which was to save and strive for it’scountry’s existance.
CHINA-SOUTH AFRICA HIGH-LEVEL PEOPLE TO PEOPLE EXCHANGE MECHANISM SEBAGAI SOFT DIPLOMACY TIONGKOK DI REPUBLIK AFRIKA SELATAN Naufal Rizki Putra Yasa; Reni Windiani; Fendy Eko Wahyudi
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 9, Nomor 1, Tahun 2023
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v9i1.37725

Abstract

ABSTRACT This research aims to describe how China’s soft diplomacy policy forms in spreading culture in the Republic of South Africa through the China-South Africa High-Level People to People Exchange Mechanism to increase the arrival of African tourists to China and to find out the dynamics of China’s tourism cooperation with the Republic of South Africa. This research based on the promotion of Chinese culture in the Republic of South Africa under cultural cooperation through the China-South Africa High-Level People to People Exchange Mechanism policy and its relation with tourism cooperation between China and the Republic of South Africa. Using the Soft Diplomacy Concept, this research analyses the cultural promotion activities carried out by China in the Republic of South Africa under the China-South Africa High-Level People to People Exchange Mechanism in 2017. The result shows that there was an increase in African tourist arrival to China in 2018, a year after the promotion of Chinese culture under the China-South Africa High-Level People to People Exchange Mechanism, this increase also exceeded the average percentage of African tourist arrivals to China in a period of 10 years (2008-2018). In 2019, two years after the soft diplomacy measure was implemented, there was a very drastic increase in the arrival of African tourists in China. Based on that result, this research suggested for further research to continue to examine China’s use of soft diplomacy, because soft power itself has been refered to in the 17th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. Keywords: China, Republic of South Africa, China-South Africa High-Level People to People Exchange Mechanism, Tourism, Soft diplomacy
Perbandingan Kebijakan Portugal dan Hongaria Terhadap Pengungsi Timur Tengah 2015-2018 Fieqry Ifvan Sunardi; Reni Windiani
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 6, Nomor 1, Tahun 2020
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v6i1.26259

Abstract

Europe has been the continent in the spotlight since the middle of 2015, UNHCR report in 2015 showed 1,000,573 refugees from the Middle East fled to Europe because of the endless war and security uncertainty. Unfortunately the European Union is still divided over the refugee crisis. Although the European Union Commission has made a decision regarding the relocation scheme for refugees to be distributed fairly among EU countries, there are still some countries that reject the decision. As will be discussed in this study is the decision of the Portuguese government to accept refugees and the decision of the Hungarian government to reject refugees. The purpose of this study is to find out why Portugal and Hungary implemented different policies regarding the Middle East refugee problem. Specifically this research uses the theory of the national roles conception that see internal and external factors as forming the meaning of a country's national role. The study was conducted with qualitative method and descriptive research by using literature review in data collection. The results explain how different meanings of the national roles conception can influence the policies of the governments of Portugal and Hungary in the issue of accepting Middle Eastern refugees.
Perang Teknologi Amerika Serikat vs Tiongkok: Kebijakan Penolakan Teknologi 5G Huawei Tiongkok oleh Amerika Serikat Bayuaji Pradipta Arinanda; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i2.33412

Abstract

The technology war between the United States and China is a struggle for dominance in core global technology, one of which is the 5G Internet Network. This has resulted in an escalation of conflict between the United States as a great power and China due to China's policy of rejecting Huawei's 5G internet technology. Therefore, this study aims to determine the factors and explain the reasons for the United States Government's rejection of China's 5G Huawei technology, and to find out how the United States' strategy is in China's hegemony efforts in the economic aspect with global technological mastery. The theory used by the author to analyze this research is the theory of offensive realism by using five assumptions according to Mearsheimer. The result of this study is that the United States as a Great Power wants to aggressively dominate China through Huawei's 5G Internet rejection policy. This is because the United States can increase its power over the control of 5G Internet Technology and strengthen China's economy, as well as ensure the strengthening of the United States' capability in the distribution of power in the international structure
Krisis Pendidikan Pengungsi : Upaya UNICEF dalam Penyebaran Norma Hak Pendidikan terhadap Anak-Anak Pengungsi Rohingya di Bangladesh Luthfi Marisa Dewi; Reni Windiani; Fendy Eko Wahyudi
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 8, Nomor 3, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v8i3.34527

Abstract

The educational crisis experienced by Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh became even more difficult when a new flow of refugees arrived in 2017. The Bangladeshi government did not pay more attention towards the crisis, putting it into the international spotlight and causing UNICEF as an international organization to attempt and solve the problem. The purpose of this study is to explain UNICEF's attempt in spreading the norms of children's education rights towards the refugee children in Bangladesh. This study will use three concepts of conceptual thinking, namely the concept of Norm Diffusion, the concept of International Organization and the concept of Humanitarian Action with qualitative research methods and descriptive analytical research types. The results of the study show that UNICEF attempts to spread the norms of the right to education for Rohingya refugee children through a number of different programs, such as the launch of the LCFA program, the launch of the Myanmar curriculum in 2020 in collaboration with the Bangladesh government for the education of Rohingya refugee children.
Liberalisasi Ekonomi Arab Saudi dalam Saudi Vision 2030 Misliharira Shaumi Putri; Reni Windiani; Satwika Paramasatya
Journal of International Relations Diponegoro Volume 7, Nomor 3, Tahun 2021
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jirud.v7i3.31216

Abstract

Saudi Arabia with their conservative political life tends to create boundaries in the country. But after King Salman’s ascension to lead the country, Prince Mohammed bin Salman obtain power and authority in the country and created a plan by liberalizing the country. In Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s plan, which called Saudi Vision 2030, he has several goals that will be achieved and one of them is called a thriving economy point where the economy of Saudi Arabia can let go of their oil dependence and open opportunities for cooperation with other countries. In analysing this, the concept of economic liberalization will be used to explain Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s decision in carrying out the Saudi Vision 2030. This research is a qualitative research using data techniques through literature study. The result of this study indicates that the reason Prince Mohammed bin Salman used liberalization is to advance the economy of Saudi Arabia and also to open opportunities with other countries as an alternative to detach Saudi Arabia’s oil dependence which has not been successfully implemented in other ways. Even though it is considered to be against the principles of the country, Saudi Vision 2030 has made changes gradually and has also had a good impact on Saudi Arabia.
Co-Authors Addafi Aryaguna Adhimukti Parama Putra, Adhimukti Parama Adi, Wahyadyatmika Permana Adinda Kinanti Prameswari, Adinda Kinanti Adiputro, Try Istiawan Aditama, I Gusti Krishna Aditya Rizky Dwirivanda Agustina, Dyah Ayu Ajeng Ria Ayu Wulandari, Ajeng Ria Alfian, Muhammad Faizal Amaliyah, Anita Amrina Rosyada Andi Akhmad Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad Andi Arie Setya Ningrum, Andi Arie Andreas Brian Bagaskoro Bayuseno Anggraheni, Palupi Anjani, Bella Kurnia Annisa Sholiya Honesty, Annisa Sholiya Ardiansyah Fabrin, Faisal Aldi Ardillah Fauziyyah Dewi Arif Sofianto Arif Sofianto, Arif Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta Armaghani, Hafizh Arum, Andriani Dyah Aryaguna, Addafi Asih, Ovi Nurtri Aska Putratama Rindarto, Aska Putratama Atri Yuniar Nimas Amasti, Atri Yuniar Aulia, Made Ayu Ananda Avita Nariyanti Putri, Avita Nariyanti Bagus Wahyu Ramondito, Bagus Wahyu Baqi, Farul Mudhofarul Bayuaji Pradipta Arinanda Bhakti Putra Utama Bima Andrianto P, Bima Andrianto Birendra, Muhammad Basyir Cici Afriani Jamal Damping, Gerald Dea Tunjung Jatra Saputra, Dea Tunjung Jatra Desideria Talitha DS, Desideria Talitha Devi, Lusiana Dewi, Ardillah Fauziyyah Deyastrie, Khania Dhiaulhaq, Yusuf Dwi Priyatno, Dwi Dwirivanda, Aditya Rizky Edyprono Dipopamiak Ellya Yunita Aslam Eugenius George Paganio Evany Sofia Prameswari, Evany Sofia Faiz Abi Permana, Faiz Abi Faiz Fadhlurrakhman, Faiz Fatharini, Anjani Tri Fauzi, Nurul Achyar Fendy E Wahyudi, Fendy E Fendy Eko Wahyudi Fendy Eko Wahyudi, Fendy Eko Fieqry Ifvan Sunardi Fitriyatul Irjayani, Fitriyatul Gerald Damping Giuliani Agustha Namora, Giuliani Agustha Grace M.S.N Sihombing, Grace M.S.N Habib, Muhamad Ahsanul Habib Hanan Qisthina Sindi, Hanan Qisthina Haryadi, Yulius Hasibuan, Eka Maria Henriette, Shary Charlotte Hermini S Herweningtyas Rakhmadani, Herweningtyas Hevi Mariyana Dewi Ika Riswanti Putranti Inayati, Aisha Intan Cahyani, Fransiska Friska Isti Nur Rahmahwati, Isti Nur Isti Nur Rahmawati, Isti Nur Jamal, Cici Afriani Jayawarsa, A.A. Ketut Jhanna Baitiez Rezqi, Jhanna Baitiez Jovita Aditya Putri, Jovita Aditya Karina, Adinda Indah Larasati, Donna Savira Larissa Amelinda Soeryana Leonita Ersanti Putri, Leonita Ersanti Luthfi Marisa Dewi Luthfia Puspitasari, Luthfia Made Ayu Ananda Aulia Maharani Alvionita Richie Mediana, Maharani Alvionita Maria Fransiska Oktavia Nugraheni Marten Hanura, Marten Mayangsari, Safira Mutia Melani Retnaningtias, Melani Merita Putri Septia, Merita Putri Mirza Dwiky Hermastuti, Mirza Dwiky Misliharira Shaumi Putri Mohamad Rosyidin Mohammad Rosyidin Mohammad Rosyidin Mohammad Rosyidin, Mohammad Muhammad Wirya Pratama Muji , Benedictus Halleyando Nadhila Widya Normasari Nadia Farabi Nadia Farabi, Nadia Nadila, Kania Farisa Nandareska, Ikko Vidia Naufal Rizki Putra Yasa Nida Saidathul Iza Normasari, Nadhila Widya Noviyanti Noviyanti, Noviyanti Nugroho, Kristian Aji Paganio, Eugenius George Pamungkas, Apriliantin Putri Pangestu, M. Singgih Pattipeilhy, Shary Charlotte Pattypelohy, Shary Charlotte Pratama, Muhammad Wirya Pratomo, Muhammad Faiq Adi Purnasanti, Linda Uji Putri, Misliharira Shaumi Qonita Milatina, Qonita Rakha Dwi Hadianto, Rakha Dwi Ringgo Febriar, Ringgo Rizka Puspitasari, Rizka Rr. Hermini S, Rr. Hermini Rr. Tiara Ayu Dewinta, Rr. Tiara Ayu Safna Putri Purba Sakti, Ai Clara Sari Saptuning Rahanti, Sari Saptuning Sari, Nindya Kartika Sari, Yunita Arum Satwika Paramasatya, Satwika Sekunda, Savero Naufal Sella Augita, Sella Setiana, Ines Shabrina, Adinda Ayu Shary Charlotte H.P, Shary Charlotte Shary Charlotte Henriette Shary Charlotte Henriette Pattipeilhy Shary Charlotte P, Shary Charlotte Shary Charlotte Pattipeilhy Shary Charlotte Pattipeilohy Shary Charlotte Pattipelohy, Shary Charlotte Sheiffi Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi Soeryana, Larissa Amelinda Sunardi, Fieqry Ifvan Susilo Utomo Tiara Galuh Saraswati Tobing, Gracia Gerina L Tofah, Towafful Akbar Towafful Akbar Tofah Tri Cahya Utama Tri Cahyo Utomo Tri Puji A, Tri Puji Utama, Bhakti Putra Utomo, Adhika Isthianto Vera Tesalonika Manik Vicky Nauli Barreto Simanjuntak, Vicky Nauli Victoria Amandani Santoso Vito Yanufan Ardi, Vito Yanufan Wahyu Setiawan Wardhani, Ratna Kusuma Wen, Qin Guan Widyawati, Donata Asdar William Putri, Natasha Isabella Rossana Yahya Sudrajat, Yahya Yang Leprilian, Yang Yudistira Panduwinata, Yudistira Yuliana Andhika Risang Putri, Yuliana Andhika Risang Yunita Arum Sari Zuliyan, Muhammad Arief