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KEDUDUKAN DEWAN KETAHANAN NASIONAL DALAM KETATANEGARAAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA Ashshidqi, Alimputra; Yusdianto; Riananda, Martha
JURNAL HUKUM DAS SOLLEN Vol 11 No 2 (2025): Jurnal Hukum Das Sollen
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indragiri

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32520/das-sollen.v11i2.5059

Ketahanan nasional merupakan konsep strategis dalam upaya menjaga kedaulatan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Dalam kerangka tersebut, Dewan Ketahanan Nasional (Wantannas) merupakan kelembagaan negara yang dibentuk melalui Keputusan Presiden Nomor 101 Tahun 1999 untuk menjalankan fungsi penetapan kebijakan dan strategi ketahanan nasional guna menjamin keselamatan bangsa dan negara. Namun demikian, keberadaan Wantannas sebagai lembaga yang memiliki peran strategis dalam pengelolaan isu-isu ketahanan nasional belum memiliki landasan hukum yang kuat dan setingkat undang-undang, sehingga menimbulkan problematika yuridis terkait legitimasi dan kepastian hukum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dan menganalisis tiga isu pokok, yaitu mengenai kedudukan Wantannas dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia, tugas dan fungsi kelembagaan Wantannas, serta kinerja Wantannas dalam pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsinya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan studi pustaka yang dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Wantannas tergolong sebagai lembaga negara penunjang atau state auxiliary organ yang memiliki fungsi strategis, namun berada dalam posisi yang belum kuat secara normatif karena tidak dibentuk melalui undang-undang. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan penguatan dasar hukum Wantannas melalui pembentukan undang-undang sebagai bentuk rekognisi formal terhadap urgensi, peran, dan kewenangan lembaga ini dalam menjaga stabilitas ketahanan nasional.

DECENTRALIZATION AND LEGAL FRAGMENTATION: GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES IN THE POST-REFORM ERA Yusdiyanto Yusdiyanto; Tatiana Epifanova
Diponegoro Law Review Vol 11, No 1 (2026): Diponegoro Law Review April 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/dilrev.11.1.2026.24-37

Post-reform decentralization in Indonesia has become pivotal for reinforcing democracy and improving governance. Implementation over two decades has led to serious problems, particularly legal fragmentation and regional governance disparities. In this article, we aim to explore the relationship between decentralization and legal fragmentation, and its implications for governance in the post-reform era. To this end, we use a combination of doctrinal and non-doctrinal approaches, with the primary emphasis remaining on the doctrinal method. Analysis, including national regulations, court decisions, government reports, and national and international academic research. The results highlight three main findings. First, decentralization has successfully nurtured local democratization through direct regional head elections and increased public participation, even though the practice of money politics and the dominance of local elites continue to pose challenges. Second, regional autonomy has resulted in legal fragmentation, marked by thousands of problematic regional regulations, either revoked for conflicting with higher-level regulations or for being discriminatory and impeding investment. Third, governance faces multidimensional challenges, including weak institutional capacity, a tug-of-war over central and regional authority, and corruption in several regions. This research provides a critical analysis of the dynamics of decentralization in Indonesia, underscoring the urgency of legal harmonization, institutional design, and regional government capacity. Accordingly, decentralization does not only symbolize democratization but can also be instrumental for strengthening legal certainty and governance.

Reformulation of the Legal Politics of the Parliamentary Threshold in the Design of the 2029 General Election Following Constitutional Court Decision No. 116/PUU-XXI/2023 Barqi, Suha Yusbairoh; Yusdiyanto; Fathoni
As-Siyasi: Journal of Constitutional Law Vol. 6 No. 1 (2026): As-Siyasi: Journal of Constitutional Law
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v61.32629

Indonesia's parliamentary threshold has been progressively increased over successive general elections. However, its determination has lacked objective, proportionate, and rational parameters, creating legal uncertainty and reducing political representation by excluding valid votes from parliamentary seat allocation. Constitutional Court Decision No. 116/PUU-XXI/2023 marks a constitutional turning point by requiring the legislature to reformulate the parliamentary threshold before the 2029 General Election using a constitutionally justifiable methodology. This study examines the legal politics of parliamentary threshold regulation following Constitutional Court Decision No. 116/PUU-XXI/2023 and proposes an appropriate regulatory model for the 2029 General Election. The research employs normative legal research using statutory, conceptual, case, and comparative approaches, analysed qualitatively through the theories of legal politics and democracy. The findings demonstrate that the Court's decision has transformed the concept of open legal policy from broad legislative discretion into a legal policy constrained by constitutional parameters. Comparative experience from Germany further indicates that a parliamentary threshold remains constitutionally justifiable when designed in accordance with the principles of proportionality, the protection of political representation, and empirically grounded criteria. Accordingly, this study proposes a reformulation model based on empirical and constitutional parameters by integrating the Effective Number of Parliamentary Parties (ENPP), the Gallagher Index, and wasted votes as the principal indicators for determining the parliamentary threshold. It recommends that these parameters serve as the normative basis for amending Indonesia's General Election Law before the 2029 General Election.

KEDUDUKAN DEWAN KETAHANAN NASIONAL DALAM KETATANEGARAAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA Alimputra Ashshidqi; Yusdianto; Martha Riananda
JURNAL HUKUM DAS SOLLEN Vol 11 No 2 (2025): Jurnal Hukum Das Sollen
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indragiri

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32520/das-sollen.v11i2.5059

Ketahanan nasional merupakan konsep strategis dalam upaya menjaga kedaulatan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Dalam kerangka tersebut, Dewan Ketahanan Nasional (Wantannas) merupakan kelembagaan negara yang dibentuk melalui Keputusan Presiden Nomor 101 Tahun 1999 untuk menjalankan fungsi penetapan kebijakan dan strategi ketahanan nasional guna menjamin keselamatan bangsa dan negara. Namun demikian, keberadaan Wantannas sebagai lembaga yang memiliki peran strategis dalam pengelolaan isu-isu ketahanan nasional belum memiliki landasan hukum yang kuat dan setingkat undang-undang, sehingga menimbulkan problematika yuridis terkait legitimasi dan kepastian hukum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dan menganalisis tiga isu pokok, yaitu mengenai kedudukan Wantannas dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia, tugas dan fungsi kelembagaan Wantannas, serta kinerja Wantannas dalam pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsinya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan studi pustaka yang dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Wantannas tergolong sebagai lembaga negara penunjang atau state auxiliary organ yang memiliki fungsi strategis, namun berada dalam posisi yang belum kuat secara normatif karena tidak dibentuk melalui undang-undang. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan penguatan dasar hukum Wantannas melalui pembentukan undang-undang sebagai bentuk rekognisi formal terhadap urgensi, peran, dan kewenangan lembaga ini dalam menjaga stabilitas ketahanan nasional.

Politik Impunitas dan Stagnasi Akuntabilitas Konstitusional di Indonesia: Suatu Analisis Hukum Tata Negara Muchlis Sadzili; Yusdiyanto Yusdiyanto; Muhtadi Muhtadi
AKADEMIK: Jurnal Mahasiswa Humanis Vol. 6 No. 1 (2026): AKADEMIK: Jurnal Mahasiswa Humanis
Publisher : Perhimpunan Sarjana Ekonomi dan Bisnis

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37481/jmh.v6i1.1874

The persistence of unresolved gross human rights violations in Indonesia reflects a deeper structural problem within the constitutional system, where legal accountability mechanisms remain weak and vulnerable to political intervention. This condition has enabled the emergence and consolidation of a politics of impunity, further reinforced by state-sponsored symbolic practices that normalize authoritarian legacies and erode public demands for justice. This study aims to analyze how the politics of impunity is formed and reproduced within Indonesia’s constitutional framework and to examine the role of symbolic state practices in sustaining the stagnation of constitutional accountability for gross human rights violations. Methodologically, this research employs a normative juridical type of research using constitutional law and socio-legal approaches. The unit of analysis includes constitutional norms, statutory regulations, judicial decisions, state policies, and symbolic practices related to human rights accountability. The study utilizes secondary data obtained through documentary and literature-based research, including legislation, court rulings, official state narratives, academic writings, and reports from human rights institutions. Data are analyzed through qualitative normative analysis, complemented by critical discourse analysis to assess the interaction between legal structures and symbolic narratives. The findings reveal that impunity is reproduced through stalled legal processes, weak institutional independence of human rights bodies, and the dominance of political calculations in state decision-making. Additionally, symbolic practices such as the legitimization of authoritarian figures contribute to the preservation of impunity by obscuring collective memory, reducing the urgency of accountability, and weakening constitutionalism in Indonesia’s democratic order.

Perlindungan Hukum terhadap Anak sebagai Korban Eksploitasi Digital di Era Artificial Intelligence M. Fadel Alfarabi; Ahmad Irzal Fardiansyah; Ria Wierma Putri; Rinaldy Amrullah; Yusdiyanto Yusdiyanto
Jurnal Hukum Lex Generalis Vol 7 No 7 (2026): Tema Hukum Pidana
Publisher : Himpunan Ilmu Hukum dan Ilmu Hukum Islam

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56370/jhlg.v7i7.3867

The development of digital technology and Artificial Intelligence (AI) has increased the risk of digital exploitation of children, such as misuse of personal data, online sexual exploitation, digital identity manipulation, and the distribution of content harmful to children. This study aims to analyze legal protection for children as victims of digital exploitation and efforts to strengthen regulations in the AI era. The research method used is normative juridical with a legislative and conceptual approach. The results show that legal protection for child victims of digital exploitation has been regulated in at least five main legal instruments, namely the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 35 of 2014 concerning Child Protection, Law Number 1 of 2024 concerning Electronic Information and Transactions, Law Number 27 of 2022 concerning Personal Data Protection, and Law Number 12 of 2022 concerning Criminal Acts of Sexual Violence. However, these regulations do not specifically accommodate forms of AI-based digital exploitation, particularly related to the use of children's data for the creation of synthetic content, deepfakes and the misuse of digital identity. Therefore, it is necessary to harmonize regulations, establish technical rules regarding child protection in AI-based digital spaces, strengthen supervision of digital platforms, and improve coordination between the government, electronic system providers and child protection agencies to ensure effective legal protection for children as victims of digital exploitation.

Eksistensi Kotak Kosong dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah terhadap Sistem Demokrasi Lokal Alvin Alyonni; Hieronymus Soerjatisnanta; Yusdiyanto Yusdiyanto; Muhtadi Muhtadi
Kajian Ilmiah Hukum dan Kenegaraan Vol 4 No 1 (2025): June
Publisher : Penerbit Goodwood

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35912/kihan.v4i1.4730

Purpose: This study investigates the legal legitimacy and democratic consequences of the “empty box” (kotak kosong) mechanism in Indonesia’s local elections, particularly in uncontested single-candidate regional head races. The increasing frequency of such elections raises concerns regarding diminished political competition, legitimacy, and voter choice within Indonesia’s democratic processes. Methodology/approach: This study adopts a normative juridical approach by analyzing statutory laws, especially Law No. 10 of 2016, and key Constitutional Court rulings, such as Decision No. 100/PUU-XIII/2015. Additionally, this study incorporates secondary data from relevant local election cases and academic literature published between 2016 and 2024. Results/findings: The findings reveal that the empty box mechanism is legally acknowledged and constitutionally permitted as a tool for democratic resistance. However, its increasing usage reflects systemic problems: weak internal democracy among political parties, the dominance of political elites, and the absence of viable alternatives. These factors contribute to declining electoral competitiveness and limit the meaningful participation of voters. Conclusions: While the empty box offers a symbolic form of dissent, it does not resolve deeper structural constraints undermining local democratic processes. This mechanism highlights dissatisfaction but fails to generate substantive democratic alternatives. Limitations: This study is limited to doctrinal legal analysis and case study reviews without empirical field research, which may restrict the generalizability of its findings to other countries. Contribution: This study contributes to the ongoing discourse on electoral reform in transitional democracies by assessing the empty box as an instrument of political expression and identifying the need for structural democratic improvements.

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