Articles
<![CDATA[Ambiguity Degrees of Courtesy in Trial: Ethical and Legal Norms, Legal Reasoning in Judicial Decisions ]]>
<![CDATA[Helmi, Muhammad Ishar]]>;
<![CDATA[Pujiyono, Pujiyono]]>;
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Encep, Encep]]>
<![CDATA[ Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 8, No 2 (2024): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v8i2.23540
<![CDATA[Courtesy reasons are the basis for the legal reasoning of mitigation, as stated in the decision. Courtesy reasons only happen in one case. The Criminal Code explains the aggravating and mitigating circumstances of a sentence that is not considered decent in a conference. Explicitly, the word courtesy is not a reason to lighten the sentence. Article 197, paragraph 1, letter f of the Criminal Procedure Code contains the words "articles of statutory regulations which are the basis for punishment or action and articles of statutory regulations which are the legal basis of the decision." This paper uses normative legal research methods to analyze legal problems with analytical and prescriptive discipline. The findings in this research show that courtesy is not worthy of consideration in the decision as a basis for mitigation. Courtesy is an obligation for all parties in a court conference. Because when a party does not act politely, it is a crime against the judiciary or an insult to the Court. Also, courtesy norms are individual subjectivities that cannot be determined by law, especially by judges. Judges do not judge ethical norms but legal norms. The legal norms align with criminal law in that the use of norms of courtesy causes their application to criminal law because of their abstract and different nature.]]>
<![CDATA[Sharia and Monarchs in Southeast Asia: Political Legitimation in Brunei Darussalam ]]>
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Arsadani, Qosim]]>;
<![CDATA[Saepullah, Saepullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Sugito, Mohamad Shofin]]>
<![CDATA[ Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 7, No 3 (2023): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v7i3.17736
<![CDATA[In this modern era, sharia is still relevant in the monarchy system. Brunei Darussalam is a country that places sharia in a political monarchy that is prone to orthodoxy. This study analyzes the policy of implementing sharia in Brunei Darussalam in a monarchical political configuration. This study uses qualitative research that analyzes the phenomenon of the application of sharia in Brunei with a sociological and political approach. The research data comes from a number of documents in the form of the Brunei Constitution, Sharia Penal Code Order 2013 (SPCO), other royal regulations, and online media. Data collection was carried out using documentation techniques which were analyzed by applying the theory of political determination of law developed by Nonet and Selznick and the theory of legitimacy developed by Weber. This study found that the policy of implementing sharia in Brunei through SPCO, under a monarchical political system produced responsive legal products. This policy is based on the people's aspirations as a manifestation of the culture and religious practices of the people of Brunei. The implication is that international attacks on the implementation of sharia in Brunei have met with resistance from the people. The application of sharia nationally further strengthens the political legitimacy of the Sultan of Brunei in maintaining and preserving his power. The people were increasingly loyal to the Sultan, so there was social order without popular opposition.]]>
<![CDATA[Effectiveness of Criminal Offense Law Regarding Illegal Levies: Reforming Social Organizations within the Indonesian Legal Framework ]]>
<![CDATA[Helmi, Muhammad Ishar]]>;
<![CDATA[Pujiyono, Pujiyono]]>;
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Rambe, Mara Sutan]]>;
<![CDATA[Sahid, Mualimin Mochammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi Vol. 7 Issue 2 (2024) Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Dan Konstitusi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Sharia, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Profesor Kiai Haji Saifuddin Zuhri Purwokerto, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.24090/volksgeist.v7i2.10882
<![CDATA[The widespread occurrence of illegal levies suggests that the current laws are ineffective in addressing extortion practices by mass organizations. This ineffectiveness stems from inadequate supervision of youth organization activities, insufficient transparency in financial transactions, and weak enforcement measures against organizations engaging in extortion. Actions taken by these organizations, such as coercing traders for illegal levies or soliciting donations, constitute criminal offenses under Article 368, paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code and are further underscored in Article 59, paragraph (2) of the law on Mass Organizations. This article aims to examine the challenges posed by the ineffectiveness of existing laws concerning criminal offenses related to illegal levies perpetrated by mass organizations and their members. The research employs a normative legal analysis, focusing on applicable legal rules and various doctrines to address specific issues. The methodologies utilized include statutory and conceptual approaches. The findings indicate that the current mass organization law is ineffective and requires revision, particularly regarding legal frameworks governing donation requests (illegal collections) made through coercive means. The sanctions imposed on mass organizations engaged in these practices are not criminal, rendering them ineffective. This article proposes the revision of Law No. 16 of 2017, which stipulates government regulations, to replace Law No. 2 of 2017, thus amending Law No. 17 of 2013 concerning community organizations.]]>
<![CDATA[Inclusive Islamic Politics: The Debate of Islam and Pancasila Among the Academic Communities of Islamic Religious Colleges ]]>
<![CDATA[Khamami Zada]]>
<![CDATA[ Mimbar Agama dan Budaya Vol 39, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/mimbar.v39i2.31899
<![CDATA[Since the beginning of independence, Pancasila as the state ideology has been becoming a debate along with the increasing Islamic political awareness among Muslims. This study aims to analyze the debate among college students, lecturers and directors of the Islamic Religious Colleges (STAIs) about Pancasila as the state ideology. It used a quantitative research method with a total sample of 222 students at semester 5 disproportionately allocated to each selected college. The sampling in this survey was conducted by means of Stratified Multistage Sampling with the confidence level of 95%. This research was also strengthened by qualitative data that were extracted by interviewing the directors and lecturers of Islamic Religious Colleges (STAI) in Semarang, Denpasar, Jambi, Kupang and Banjarbaru. From this research, it can be concluded that the college students, lecturers and directors of STAIN have supported Pancasila as the state ideology that is not contradicting to Islam and will defend Pancasila as the state ideology. They also do not expect Pancasila to be replaced with Islam. This tendency then has shown the face of inclusive and moderate Islamic politics among college students, lecturers and directors of STAI. Keyword: Islamic Politics, Pancasila, Academic Communities.]]>
<![CDATA[Negotiating Sharia in Secular State: A Case Study in French and Germany ]]>
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Irfan, M. Nurul]]>
<![CDATA[ Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 5, No 1 (2021): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v5i1.9753
<![CDATA[The European Muslims, the majority of them come from Muslim countries, are facing the identity dilemma. On the one hand, they are the Muslims who are obliged to carry out their religious teaching, but on the other hand, they are the Muslims who have acquired European citizenship who cannot enforce religious laws and instead submit to secular state laws. The study analyzes French and Germany Muslim aspirations and their negotiations on carrying out sharia in the secular state. This is field study by qualitative approach. Primary data was collected by interviews with Muslims of Moroccan, Tunisian, Algerian, and Turkish descent living in France and Germany. The study found that French and German Muslims want to apply sharia, but France and Germany do not allow religious law to be made a state law. These have left French and German Muslims to negotiate without opposition, resistance, and conflict. As European citizens, they accept secular law without losing their religious and social identity, though couldn’t fully implement Sharia.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implications of Understanding Contextual Hadith on Religious Radicalism (Case Study of Darus-Sunnah International Institute for Hadith Sciences) ]]>
<![CDATA[Thohari, Fuad]]>;
<![CDATA[Muslim, Moch. Bukhori]]>;
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Misbahuddin, Misbahuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Vol 5, No 2 (2021): Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Islamic Family Law Department, Sharia and Law Faculty, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry ]]>
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DOI: 10.22373/sjhk.v5i2.11124
<![CDATA[In hadith studies, many conclusions state that textual reasoning towards hadith is the main cause of intolerance and radicalism. This makes some scholars such as Yusuf al-Qardhawi and Ali Mustafa Yakub offer a more complex understanding of hadith involving asbab wurud al-hadith, al-wahdah al-maudhu'iyyah fi al-hadith, ikhtilaf al-ahadith and so on. Hadith reasoning like this is considered by some as a contextualization of hadith that will prevent someone from religious radicalism. This study wants to answer the question, to what extent does contextual reasoning in hadith prevent a person from religious radicalism? Researchers will examine the formulation of contextual hadith reasoning initiated by Ali Mustafa Yaqub in al-Thuruq al-Shahihah fi Fahm al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah and standards of religious radicalism initiated by LIPI in the Strategy for Anticipating Radicalism and Religious Intolerance in Indonesia. Each will be used as an independent variable and dependent variable. This research is mixed research with the type of field research. The data processing technique used is a simple regression test using the SPSS 20 program. The research object of this study is the Mahasantri Darus-Sunnah International Institute for Hadith Sciences with a total of 32 people. While the sampling system in this study is a random sample. The results of this study indicate that contextual hadith reasoning has a sig. 0.008 which is less than 0.05 so it is said to have a significant effect between contextual hadith reasoning on religious radicalism. The magnitude of the influence of this hadith reasoning itself is 21.2%. The direction of the effect is negative with a magnitude of -.643 at a constant of 69.792. This means that there is a negative relationship between contextual hadith reasoning and religious radicalism. The more contextual a person's understanding of hadith is, the further away he is from radicalism.]]>
<![CDATA[SALAWAH WAHIDIYAH IN THE FRAME OF THAREEQAT IN INDONESIAN ARCHIPELAGO: RESISTANCE IN THE FACE OF PERVERSE FATWAS IN TASIKMALAYA ]]>
<![CDATA[Khamami Zada]]>
<![CDATA[ Islamic Studies Journal for Social Transformation Vol 1 No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid Pekalongan ]]>
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DOI: 10.28918/isjoust.v1i1.11936
<![CDATA[The relationship of power and resistance against it has been widely discussed as an intellectual discursive debates. However, resistance groups against the theological authority is off the debate. This paper analyses the resistance movement of Salawah Wahidiyah (SW) in the face of the erroneous fatwa by the Assembly of Indonesia Ulema (MUI). With the analysis of power relationships, knowledge, and resistance, this paper finds that SW is fighting against the misguided fatwa of Tasikmalaya MUI which is carried out as the majority of theological hegemony to defend the doctrine and amaliyah as well as to reject the deviating claim. This is all done to maintain the freedom to believe and practice the teachings of an inside democracy which guarantees and protects the right of religious freedom. Ironically, the resistance of SW in Tasikmalaya was not able to replicate the success of the Centre SW in conducting resistance against NU figures. SW Tasikmalaya failed to reconcile the differences of religious views with MUI. As a result, the motion of SW became limited because it is still stigmatized as deviant.]]>
<![CDATA[Law and Sovereignty of the State in the Renegotiation of Freeport Contracts in Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>;
<![CDATA[Mustolih, Mustolih]]>;
<![CDATA[Habibaty, Diana Mutia]]>;
<![CDATA[Hakim, Lukman]]>;
<![CDATA[Purwaningsih, Desy]]>;
<![CDATA[Diyani, Trini]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/jch.v9i2.21546
<![CDATA[The mineral and coal mines have long been managed by foreign contracts between governments and foreigners. The position threatens the state's sovereignty over the wealth of natural resources. The study was to analyze the renege-management of Indonesia's Freeport mines in Papua. Socio-legal methods were used to analyze the renegotiation of Indonesia's Freeport management. The study found that according to the principle of state mastery over natural resources as a common property of Indonesian people's prosperity as in article 33 verses (3) constitution of 1945, the Indonesian government officially took over its 51-percent share of Freeport. It is part of an expression of national sovereignty over the management of its natural resources. With this position, Freeport's mining management is no longer based on a contract of work, but a Special Mining Business License which provides guarantees to business holders to have their licenses extended to provide certainty to mining business actors in conducting mining business in Indonesia.Keywords: Renegotiation; Freeport; State Sovereignity Hukum dan Kedaulatan Negara Dalam Renegosiasi Kontrak Freeport Di Papua Abstrak Pertambangan mineral dan batubara selama ini dikelola pihak asing berdasarkan kontrak antara pemerintah dan pihak asing. Posisi ini sesungguhnya mengancam kedaulatan negara atas kekeyaaan sumberdaya alam. Studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis renegosiasi pengelolaan tambang PT Freeport Indonesia di Papua. Metode socio-legal digunakan untuk menganalisis renegosiasi pengelolaan tambang PT Freeport Indonesia. Studi ini menemukan bahwa berdasarkan prinsip penguasaan negara atas sumberdaya alam sebagai common property bangsa Indonesia untuk kemakmuran rakyat sebagaimana pasal 33 ayat (3) Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, Pemerintah Indonesia secara resmi mengambil alih saham PT. Freeport Indonesia sebesar 51 %. Kebijakan ini merupakan bagian dari perwujudan kedaulatan negara atas pengelolaan sumberdaya alamnya. Dengan posisi ini, pengelolaan tambang Freeport bukan lagi berdasarkan kontrak karya, melainkan Izin Usaha Pertambangan Khusus yang memberikan jaminan kepada pemegang usaha untuk diperpanjang izinnya unutk memberikan kepastian kepada pelaku usaha pertambangan dalam melakukan bisnis pertambangan di Indonesia.Kata Kunci: Renegosiasi; Freeport; Kedaulatan Negara Закон и суверенитет государствапри пересмотре договоров Freeport в Папуа АннотацияДо настоящего времени управление добычей полезных ископаемых и угля осуществлялось иностранными сторонами на основании договоров между правительством и иностранными сторонами. Эта позиция фактически угрожает суверенитету государства над богатством природных ресурсов. Данное исследование направлено на анализ пересмотра условий руководства рудником компании Freeport Indonesia в Папуа. Социально-правовой метод был использован для анализа пересмотра условий руководства рудником компании Freeport Indonesia. Это исследование показало, что на основе принципа государственного контроля над природными ресурсами как общей собственностью индонезийского народа для процветания народа, как указано в пункте (3) статьи 33 Конституции 1945 года, правительство Индонезии официально приняло на себя акции из компании Freeport Indonesia на 51%. Эта политика является частью реализации государственного суверенитета над управлением своими природными ресурсами. С этой должностью управление горнодобывающей промышленностью Freeport больше не основывается на договоре на выполнение работ, а на специальной лицензии на горнодобывающий бизнес, которая предоставляет владельцам бизнеса гарантии продления их лицензий, чтобы обеспечить уверенность участников горнодобывающего бизнеса в ведении горнодобывающего бизнеса в Индонезии.Ключевые Слова: Пересмотр; Freeport; Государственный суверенитет]]>
<![CDATA[Existence of customary law in Indonesian criminal law ]]>
<![CDATA[Helmi, Muhammad Ishar]]>;
<![CDATA[Pujiyono, Pujiyono]]>;
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol. 10 No. 3 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/jch.v10i3.29829
<![CDATA[Currently, the scope and regulation of the criminal law system which only recognizes written law is deemed unable to accommodate the various legal needs of indigenous peoples who are still alive today. This is due to the principle of legality of criminal acts which is oriented towards individual-liberalism, not the plurality of society. Therefore, recognizing acts that violate customary law within the framework of the national legal system is considered appropriate in meeting the legal plurality needs of indigenous communities. The rigidity and arrogance of the current legalistic view of criminal law is no longer able to respond to plurality and a sense of justice, especially for customary law communities, because the reality of indigenous people's lives shows that there are countless customary law provisions outside of the law, which continue to live and are obeyed in every vein. community group members. The research method used in this study is a normative legal research method with a socio legal research approach. The socio-legal approach is intended as an approach in legal research that is focused on studying legal phenomena from the perspective of social sciences. The research results state that the position of traditional justice institutions is actually in a state of existence and absence, on the one hand it is not recognized by the Indonesian positive legal system but there are practices of these traditional justice institutions. However, cases decided based on customary law can still be found in a very limited number of cases.]]>
<![CDATA[Sharia Economy and Politics in Regulating Sharia Economy in Aceh: From Exclusive to Inclusive Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Zada, Khamami]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Iqtishad: Jurnal Ilmu Ekonomi Syariah Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/aiq.v1i1.32358
<![CDATA[Abstract. The Aceh government implements an exclusive zone for the application of Islamic economics through Qanun No. 11/2018 concerning Islamic Financial Institutions (LKS) in Aceh which are considered to marginalize non-Sharia f inancial institutions. This paper aims to discuss sharia policies in Aceh on the issue of LKS in Aceh. Data was collected through interviews with the heads of the Islamic Sharia Service, academics, and NGO activists, then analyzed using a public policy approach. The results of the study found that economic policies in the field of LKS in Aceh are exclusive, which is different from the welfare goals of the Acehnese people, which are inclusive. After the issuance of the LKS Qanun, only LKS was allowed to operate in Aceh, while non-sharia financial institutions were prohibited from operating in Aceh. This policy has implications for people's difficulties in accessing inclusive finance, which can have an impact on the welfare of the people of Aceh.Abstrak. Pemerintah Aceh menerapkan zona eklusif penerapan ekonomi syariah melaui Qanun No. 11/2018 tentang Lembaga Keuangan Syariah (LKS) di Aceh yang dinilai meminggirkan lembaga keuangan non-syariah. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas kebijakan syariah di Aceh dalam isu LKS di Aceh. Data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara kepada pimpinan Dinas Syariat Islam, akademisi, dan aktivis NGO, kemudian dianalisis menggunakan pendekatan kebijakan publik. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa kebijakan ekonomi dalam bidang LKS di Aceh bersifat eklusif yang berbeda dengan tujuan kesejahteraan masyarakat Aceh yang bersifat iklusif. Pasca terbitnya Qanun LKS, hanya LKS yang dibolehkan beroperasi di Aceh, sedangkan lembaga keuangan non syariah dilarang beroperasi di Aceh. Kebijakan ini berimplikasi pada kesulitan masyarakat dalam mengakses keuangan yang inklusif, yang dapat berdampak pada kesejahteraan masyarakat Aceh. ]]>
