Article Per Year (5 Year)
p-Index From 2021 - 2026
8.596
P-Index
This Author published in this journals
All Journal Jurnal Inovasi Jurnal Pamator : Jurnal Ilmiah Universitas Trunojoyo Madura Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM PROCEEDING ICTESS (Internasional Conference on Technology, Education and Social Sciences) DE LEGA LATA: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum YUSTISI Jambura Law Review GANEC SWARA PALAR (Pakuan Law review) Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum Journal of Law and Policy Transformation Law Research Review Quarterly Jurnal Surya Kencana Dua: Dinamika Masalah Hukum & Keadilan Jurnal Abdidas LEGAL BRIEF Jurnal Ilmiah Publika Jurnal Sibermas (Sinergi Pemberdayaan Masyarakat) Yustisi: Jurnal Hukum dan Hukum Islam Jurnal hukum IUS PUBLICUM Jurnal Abdimas Terapan Jurnal Hukum Legalita Hang Tuah Law Journal Journal of Law, Poliitic and Humanities Bacarita Law Journal Reformasi Hukum SEIKAT: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hukum Innovative: Journal Of Social Science Research Damhil Law Journal Estudiante Law Journal Jurnal Abdimas Terapan Deposisi: Jurnal Publikasi Ilmu Hukum Doktrin: Jurnal Dunia Ilmu Hukum dan Politik Jurnal Manajemen, Hukum dan Sosial Al-Zayn: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial & Hukum Journal of Contemporary Law Studies Jurnal Riset Ilmiah Jembatan Hukum: Kajian Ilmu Hukum, Sosial dan Administrasi Negara Public Sphere: Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum Aliansi: Jurnal Hukum, Pendidikan dan Sosial Humaniora International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice International Journal of Sociology and Law Legal Advice Jurnal Hukum Journal of Governance and Law Reform Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik International Journal of Constitutional and Administrative Law
Erman I. Rahim
Unknown Affiliation
Religion Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Engineering Environmental Science Health Professions Immunology & microbiology Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Library & Information Science Mathematics Medicine & Pharmacology Public Health Social Sciences Other

Published : 66 Documents Claim Missing Document
Claim Missing Document
Check
Articles

Found 66 Documents
Search

 3   4   5   6   7 
POLICE NON-COMPLIANCE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DISOBEDIENCE IN INDONESIA Muthahhar Datau; Erman I. Rahim; Supriyadi A Arief
Journal of Governance and Law Reform Vol. 1 No. 3 (2026): July
Publisher : Catalist Indo Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.64670/jglr.v1i3.120

Abstract

This study aims to analyze the legal consequences of the Indonesian National Police’s non-compliance with Constitutional Court Decision No. 114/PUU-XXIII/2025 and to examine its implications for Indonesia’s constitutional system. The decision prohibits active members of the Indonesian National Police from holding civilian positions unless they resign or retire from police service. However, several provisions of Regulation of the Indonesian National Police No. 10 of 2025 are considered inconsistent with the Constitutional Court’s ruling, thereby creating a legal antinomy and uncertainty in its implementation. This study employs a normative legal research method using statutory and conceptual approaches. The analysis focuses on the hierarchy of laws and regulations, the final and binding nature of Constitutional Court decisions, and the constitutional limits of authority among state institutions. Legal materials were examined qualitatively through legal interpretation and systematic analysis. The results indicate that non-compliance with the Constitutional Court’s decision may constitute constitutional disobedience, weaken the supremacy of the Constitution, and create legal uncertainty regarding the appointment of active police officers to civilian positions. It also undermines the authority of the Constitutional Court and disrupts the checks and balances mechanism. The study concludes that regulatory harmonization, stricter institutional supervision, and an effective enforcement mechanism are required to ensure compliance with Constitutional Court decisions.
EFEKTIVITAS PENERAPAN SANKSI HUKUM DALAM PENANGGULANGAN POLITIK UANG PADA PILKADA 2024 (Studi Perbandingan di Kabupaten Bone Bolango dan Kabupaten Gorontalo Utara) Indri Wulandari Mayang; Erman I. Rahim; Julius T. Mandjo
Public Sphere: Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum Vol 5, No 2 (2026): JPS (Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum)
Publisher : CV Widina Media Utama

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59818/jps.v5i2.3044

Abstract

Money politics remains a major challenge in the 2024 Regional Head Elections despite the existence of criminal and administrative sanctions. This study aims to analyze the effectiveness of legal sanctions in combating money politics in the 2024 Regional Head Elections in Bone Bolango Regency and North Gorontalo Regency and to identify the factors influencing their effectiveness. An empirical legal method with conceptual and sociological approaches was employed through interviews with the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) at the regency and provincial levels, supported by an analysis of Bawaslu Decision No. 01/Reg/L/TSM-PB/29.00/IV/2025. The findings reveal that the low effectiveness of legal sanctions results from the interaction of legal, law enforcement, facilities, community, and legal culture factors, particularly procedural limitations, weak inter-agency coordination, limited evidence and resources, and low public participation. The study concludes that the effectiveness of legal sanctions depends on the synergy of these five factors rather than solely on the severity of criminal penalties ABSTRAKPraktik politik uang pada Pilkada 2024 masih menjadi tantangan serius meskipun telah diatur melalui sanksi pidana dan administratif. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis efektivitas penerapan sanksi hukum dalam penanggulangan politik uang pada Pilkada 2024 di Kabupaten Bone Bolango dan Kabupaten Gorontalo Utara serta mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor yang memengaruhinya. Penelitian menggunakan metode hukum empiris dengan pendekatan konseptual dan sosiologis melalui wawancara dengan Bawaslu Kabupaten Bone Bolango, Bawaslu Kabupaten Gorontalo Utara, Bawaslu Provinsi Gorontalo, serta analisis Putusan Bawaslu Provinsi Gorontalo Nomor 01/Reg/L/TSM-PB/29.00/IV/2025. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa rendahnya efektivitas penerapan sanksi hukum dipengaruhi oleh interaksi faktor hukum, penegak hukum, sarana dan prasarana, masyarakat, serta budaya hukum, dengan hambatan utama berupa keterbatasan prosedural, lemahnya koordinasi antarlembaga, keterbatasan pembuktian dan sumber daya, serta rendahnya partisipasi masyarakat. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa efektivitas sanksi hukum ditentukan oleh sinergi kelima faktor tersebut, bukan semata-mata oleh beratnya ancaman pidana.
EFEKTIVITAS PENDIDIKAN PEMILIH DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT PADA PILKADA 2024 KECAMATAN WONOSARI KABUPATEN BOALEMO Samsudin Gio Fandri Babunta; Erman I. Rahim; Janwar Hippy
Public Sphere: Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum Vol 5, No 2 (2026): JPS (Jurnal Sosial Politik, Pemerintahan dan Hukum)
Publisher : CV Widina Media Utama

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59818/jps.v5i2.2880

Abstract

This study aims to examine the level of effectiveness of voter education implemented by the General Elections Commission (KPU) of Boalemo Regency in enhancing community participation in the 2024 Regional Election (Pilkada) in Wonosari District, as well as to identify the barriers affecting its effectiveness. Employing an empirical legal approach with qualitative and descriptive-analytical methods, this study combines primary data gathered from in-depth interviews with 23 informants (KPU commissioners, sub-district election committees/PPK, village election committees/PPS, and community figures), questionnaires administered to 35 respondents from seven sample villages, and field observation. The data were analyzed using Soerjono Soekanto's legal effectiveness theory through five factors: legal substance, law enforcement apparatus, facilities and infrastructure, society, and legal culture. The findings indicate that community participation in Wonosari District during the 2024 Pilkada reached 81.22% (Governor's Election) and 81.21% (Regent's Election), surpassing the high-category threshold of KPU RI's Pilkada Participation Index. Voter education can be categorized as procedurally effective, yet not fully effective in a substantive sense. The dominant barriers identified include community apathy, high mobility of migrant voters, and the strong culture of patronage and ethnic primordialism that shifts voter orientation from program-based choices toward material-incentive-based or personal-relationship-based decisions. These findings imply the need to transform the approach to voter education toward a more contextual and community-based model. ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji tingkat efektivitas pendidikan pemilih yang dilaksanakan oleh KPU Kabupaten Boalemo dalam meningkatkan partisipasi masyarakat pada Pilkada 2024 di Kecamatan Wonosari, serta mengidentifikasi hambatan-hambatan yang memengaruhi efektivitasnya. Menggunakan pendekatan hukum empiris dengan metode kualitatif dan deskriptif-analitis, penelitian ini menggabungkan data primer dari wawancara mendalam terhadap 23 narasumber (komisioner KPU, PPK, PPS, dan tokoh masyarakat), kuesioner terhadap 35 responden dari tujuh desa sampel, serta observasi lapangan. Data dianalisis menggunakan kerangka teori efektivitas hukum Soerjono Soekanto melalui lima faktor: substansi hukum, aparat/pelaksana, sarana dan fasilitas, masyarakat, serta budaya hukum. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tingkat partisipasi masyarakat Kecamatan Wonosari pada Pilkada 2024 mencapai 81,22% (Pilgub) dan 81,21% (Pilbub), melampaui ambang kategori tinggi IPP KPU RI. Pendidikan pemilih dapat dikategorikan efektif secara prosedural, namun belum sepenuhnya efektif secara substantif. Hambatan dominan yang ditemukan adalah apatisme masyarakat, mobilitas tinggi pemilih perantau, serta kuatnya budaya patronase dan primordialisme etnik yang menggeser orientasi pemilih dari pilihan berbasis program menuju pilihan berbasis insentif material atau kedekatan personal. Temuan ini mengimplikasikan perlunya transformasi pendekatan pendidikan pemilih menuju model yang lebih kontekstual dan berbasis komunitas.
Scenarios For Limiting The Veto of Permanent Members Of The United Nations Security Council Aksah Kasim; Didik Suhariyanto; Wahyu Ramdhani; Erman I Rahim; Danial Danial
Pena Justisia: Media Komunikasi dan Kajian Hukum Vol. 23 No. 1 (2024): Pena Justisia
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Pekalongan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31941/pj.v23i1.4163

Abstract

The UN's principal mission is to promote international stability and peace. To that end, the UN established the Security Council, its governing body with last say on the subject. The United States, Russia, China, and France—the five most militarily competent nations—are veto-wielding permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The fundamental objective of this research is to determine the impact of veto power on the function of the United Nations Security Council in maintaining global peace and security. In that case, will we be attempting to have a lex expert on the right to veto? This work is classified as normative research. The results showed that the veto did not improve the Security Council's performance. The ability to veto decisions made by the Security Council on how to address critical international crises means that the council isn't always effective. Legal rules should be put in place to ensure that the right to veto as a controller is not misused and fulfils its original purpose. The power to reject a resolution in situations involving crimes against humanity or genocide is an important part of the veto system, as is the two-year limit on each non-permanent member's use of the veto, and the limitation of veto use to a single case if discussed consecutively in Security Council meetings.
Implikasi Pelanggaran Kewenangan Hak Angket DPR Terhadap KPU: Studi Kasus Pada Pemilu Tahun 2024 Zunaid Potutu; Erman I. Rahim; Ahmad Ahmad
Journal of Contemporary Law Studies Vol. 3 No. 4 (2026): Agustus
Publisher : Indonesian Journal Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47134/lawstudies.v3i4.5958

Abstract

The House of Representatives’ (DPR) right of inquiry is a constitutional oversight instrument provided for in Article 20A(2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. However, in the context of the 2024 General Election, the exercise of the right of inquiry against the General Election Commission (KPU) raises legal and democratic issues regarding the limits of authority and the legitimacy of its use. This study aims to analyze the implications of violations of the legitimacy of the DPR’s right of inquiry on the independence of the KPU and the integrity of the democratic process. The research method employed is normative legal research using a legislative, conceptual, and Constitutional Court decision-based approach. The results indicate that the exercise of the right of inquiry that is disproportionate, politically motivated, or fails to meet formal and material requirements has the potential to undermine the KPU’s independence, erode public trust in election results, and trigger conflicts of authority among state institutions. This study affirms that the DPR’s right of inquiry does not have the authority to annul election results, as that authority resides with the Constitutional Court. Therefore, the exercise of the right of inquiry must be conducted objectively and constitutionally to safeguard the continuity of democracy.
Voter Rights and Electoral Justice in Indonesia’s 2024 Concurrent Elections: System Design, Institutional Fragmentation, and Dispute Resolution Sulistyowati; Erman I. Rahim; Dewi Nadya Maharani; Mahda Rahman; Gusti Bintang Maharaja
International Journal of Constitutional and Administrative Law Vol. 2 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Gorontalo Legal Research and Consulting

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.66502/2e11b149

Abstract

The 2024 Indonesian general elections were the largest and most administratively complex democratic exercise in the country’s history, combining presidential, national legislative, and regional legislative contests on a single polling day and holding regional executive elections later in the same year. This article examines the causal relationship between the design of the concurrent election system and the protection of voters’ constitutional rights, and evaluates whether Indonesia’s dispute resolution architecture is capable of delivering electoral justice. Using normative-juridical research supported by secondary empirical data, and combining statutory, conceptual, case, and comparative approaches, the article advances two arguments. First, the “five-ballot” concurrent design satisfies the formal dimension of the right to vote while eroding its substantive dimension: it imposes an extreme administrative and physical burden on polling station officials and a cognitive burden on voters, so that high turnout coexists with attenuated deliberative capacity, particularly in legislative contests displaced by presidential coattails. Second, the fragmentation of electoral adjudication among the Constitutional Court, the Election Supervisory Agency, the Honorary Council of Election Organisers, and the State Administrative Court generates divergent standards of proof, inconsistent characterisation of identical conduct, and gaps in remedial authority that are most consequential precisely where structured, systematic, and massive violations are alleged. Analysis of the 2024 election result disputes indicates a discernible movement toward substantive justice, but one constrained by evidentiary thresholds and procedural limits rather than by judicial willingness. The article contributes an integrated account linking concurrency, voter protection, and forum fragmentation, and argues that reconstructing the electoral calendar and unifying electoral jurisdiction are complementary rather than alternative reforms.
Co-Authors Abdul Hamid Tome Aditya Eka Prasetya Hasan Ahmad Ahmad Aksah Kasim Alti Mohamad Aminudin J. Dunggio Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Arief Fahmi Lubis Asrul Aswar Cecep Ibnu Ahmadi Cici Cahyani Lamunte Cici Cahyani Lamunte Cono, Moh Syahnez Welden A Danial Danial Dewi Nadya Maharani Dian Ekawati Ismail Dian Ekawati Ismail Dian Ekawati Ismail Dian Ekawaty Ismail Dian Ekawty Ismail Didik Suhariyanto Diharjo, Nugroho Noto Dirga Danuarta Dukalang, Mohamad Afriyansyah Enny Agustina Fence M Wantu Fenty U. puluhulawa Gusti Bintang Maharaja Hulinggi, Noval Alfaridzi Imran, Hendrik Inaku, Rifka Indri Wulandari Mayang ISTI ANJELINA MOHAMAD Jamila Janwar Hippy Julius T. Mandjo Khuzul Fiqri Taniyo Kolopita, Kurnia Ningsih Kolopita Komendangi, Rivanka Amelia Nursyahbani Lihawa, Harlan H. Mahda Rahman Mandjo, Julius T. Mastari, Hairul Kiay Mayariska Bilaleya Misnah Irvita Moha, Moh. Rivaldi Mohamad Hidayat Muhtar Mohamad Rivaldi Moha Muhamad Khairun Kurniawan Kadir Muhamad Rusdiyanto Puluhuluwa Muthahhar Datau Noval Katili Nugrahayu, Zainun Zakya Nur Fadhilla Haluta Nursyahbani Komendangi, Rivanka Amelia Nuvazria Achir Pakaya, Salahudin Pujayanti, Luh Putu Vera Astri Putri Purnamasari Rahmi, I.G. Ayu Ketut Reza Reyzaldy Ridwan A. Jula Riewanto, Agus Rifki Ismail Rikson Adam Riska Buhungo Rismawati Umar Saharuddin Saharuddin Salahudin Pakaya Samin, Herol Hansen Samsudin Gio Fandri Babunta Sofyan Piyo Sri Nurnaningsih Rachman Sukandi Maku Suleman, Anugrah Ramadhan Rivaldiyanto Sulistyowati Supriyadi A Arief Supriyadi A. Arief Supriyadi Supriyadi Supriyadi Supriyadi Suryani Intan Pratiwi Puwa Suwitno Yutye Imran Syahreza Ali Akbar Marali Tiara Oktavia Namira Daud Umar, Sri Rahayu Usman Moonti Vica Jillyan Edsti Saija Wahyu Ramdhani Wahyudin Djou Waode Mustika Weny Almoravid Dungga Yahya Boudelo Yahya Boudelo Yassine, Chami Yusuf Apriyanto Bantu Zamroni Abdussamad Zunaid Potutu