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All Journal Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Jurnal Cita Hukum Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JISIP) Cosmogov: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan JURNAL ILMU PEMERINTAHAN Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik JAKPP : Jurnal Analisis Kebijakan & Pelayanan Publik Journal of Governance and Public Policy Journal of Governance JISPO (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik) Jurnal Penelitian Politik Jurnal Pengembangan Teknologi Informasi dan Ilmu Komputer JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area Journal of Government and Civil Society JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Jurnal Noken: Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan POLITICO Jurnal Ilmiah Tata Sejuta STIA Mataram Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik The Journal of Society and Media PERSPEKTIF Jurnal Trias Politika Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Kebijakan (JPK) Prosiding Seminar Nasional Program Pengabdian Masyarakat JCOMENT (Journal of Community Empowerment) Jurnal Review Politik Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Digital Theory, Culture & Society INJECT Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication

Dian Eka Rahmawati, Dian Eka

Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Author-ID : 509472

Religion Agriculture, Biological Sciences & Forestry Arts Humanities Chemical Engineering, Chemistry & Bioengineering Computer Science & IT Control & Systems Engineering Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Electrical & Electronics Engineering Engineering Environmental Science Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Medicine & Pharmacology Social Sciences Other

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Modal Caleg Perempuan dan Politik Patriarkhi dalam Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia: Keterwakilan Perempuan pada Pemilu 2019 di Kabupaten Sleman Dessy Ramadhany; Dian Eka Rahmawati
JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 1 (2020): JISPO Vol 10 No 1 2020
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), FISIP, UIN Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v10i1.7237

Tingkat keterwakilan perempuan dalam politik Indonesia tidak terlepas dari ragam faktor, salah satunya adalah modal yang dimilikinya. Kajian ini menjelaskan modal yang dimiliki caleg perempuan di tengah politik patriarkhi dalam Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) dengan fokus analisis pada kasus Kabupaten Sleman pada 2019. Keterwakilan perempuan sebagai anggota DPRD di kabupaten ini merupakan tertinggi dibanding kabupaten lain di Yogyakarta, yaitu sebanyak 13 kursi (26%) dari total 50 kursi. Kajian ini menemukan bahwa meski perolehan kursi perempuan tampak terus meningkat, tetapi peningkatannya tidak signifikan karena modal caleg perempuan dikendalikan oleh politik patriarkhi melalui medan Pemilu. Dengan menggunakan teori Bourdieu tentang modal, artikel ini berargumen bahwa modal –politik, sosial, ekonomi dan simbolik- diyakini sangat penting bagi perempuan untuk terjun dalam politik, tetapi pada kenyataannya modal itu ditentukan oleh habitus politik patriarkhi dalam kesadaran caleg perempuan dalam mengarungi medan persaingan politik Pemilu yang umumnya didominasi oleh struktur kelas laki-laki. Karena itu, meski sistem politik dalam Pemilu menyediakan afirmasi bagi caleg perempuan, dalam praktiknya, dominasi habitus politik patriarki yang dikendalikan oleh struktur kelas dalam masyarakat tidak memungkinkan caleg perempuan untuk mendapatkan suara yang lebih banyak dibanding laki-laki.The representation level of Indonesian women in politics cannot be separated from a variety of factors, such as capital. This study explains the capital owned by female candidates midst of patriarchal politics in General Election with a special focus on the case of Sleman Regency in 2019. In the case of Sleman, women occupied 13 seats out of 50 seats at DPRD (local parliament), which was the highest achievement compared to other districts in Yogyakarta. This study found that although the acquisition of women's seats continued to increase, it was not significant because patriarchal politics controlled the female legislative candidates’ capital through the electoral field. Employing Bourdieu's theory of capital, this study argues capital –social, economic, political dan symbolic- was regarded important for women to engage in politics, but in reality this variety of capital was determined by the patriarchal political habitus of female candidates in the general election, which is generally dominated by men. Therefore, although the political system in elections provides affirmation for female candidates, in practice, patriarchal domination controlled by class structures in society does not allow them to get more votes than men.

An Analysis of Actors in the Implementation of Public Policy on Accessibility of Persons with Disabilities for Work in Indonesia’s Special Region Yogyakarta Muhammad Akbar Maulana; Dian Eka Rahmawati; Achmad Nurmandi
JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance and Political Social UMA) Vol 8, No 2 (2020): JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance a
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/jppuma.v8i2.3614

This study aims to analyze the implementation of public policy on the accessibility of persons with disabilities to get a job in Yogyakarta. It focuses on the actors implementing the policy in the Indonesian region, namely the provincial government of Yogyakarta as the implementer and policymaker, private companies, and Non-Government Organization (NGOs), which should be the stakeholders of the policy, program, and activities in distributing labors with disabilities. To approach this problem, the researchers use the theory of Van Meter and Horn as a reference. Data have been collected through interviews and documentation that later on analyzed qualitatively with the software of NVivo 12 plus. This study concludes that providing employment opportunities for persons with disabilities has not been implemented optimally. First, it is due to the absence of aftercare services, namely follow-up assistance for persons with disabilities after participating in training and rehabilitation programs held by the Regional Government. Secondly, law enforcement in the policy implementation that is pro disabilities (inclusion) to private companies is not optimal. Third, the lack of coordination among the actors in the efforts of empowering persons with disabilities.

Muhammadiyah Social Movement: Networking and Philanthropy in Handling Covid-19 in Indonesia Dian Eka Rahmawati; Cahya Wulan Wulan
Journal of Government and Civil Society Vol 6, No 1 (2022): Journal of Government and Civil Society (April)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tangerang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31000/jgcs.v6i1.4177

ABSTRACTThe government’s limited resources in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic require civil society organizations (CSOs). Since the first outbreak of Covid-19, Muhammadiyah has become one of the CSOs active in handling Covid-19 in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah’s experience and resources are a tremendous asset to sustain the country’s limitations. One of these assets is Muhammadiyah’s philanthropic and network strength. Therefore, this study aims to find and analyze the philanthropic movement and the Muhammadiyah network. This research uses qualitative research methods, with interview and documentation data collection techniques. Interviews were conducted with several sources from MCCC and Lazismu and previous studies. The study results indicate that the extent of the network and public trust in Muhammadiyah are potent modalities for obtaining and managing resources, especially assistance. In various forms, the help of Muhammadiyah members shows a strong sense of brotherhood during the pandemic across religious, ethnic, and economic class boundaries. Assistance from various domestic and foreign donor agencies shows the trust and confidence of Muhammadiyah to manage its trust. With it, we can reach and distribute it to the grassroots level. In addition to the resources that Muhammadiyah has, many philanthropic social movements carried out during the pandemic are supported by these resources. This proves that in limitations during the Covid-19 pandemic, Muhammadiyah, as a CSO, can fill the country’s restrictions through philanthropic movements in health, economy, religion, and education. Keywords: Civil society organization (CSO), Muhammadiyah, networking, philanthropy movement ABSTRAKKeterbatasan sumber daya pemerintah dalam menangani pandemi Covid-19 membutuhkan organisasi masyarakat sipil (ORMAS). Sejak pertama kali mewabahnya Covid-19, Muhammadiyah menjadi salah satu CSO yang aktif dalam penanganan Covid-19 di Indonesia. Pengalaman dan sumber daya Muhammadiyah adalah aset yang luar biasa untuk mempertahankan keterbatasan negara. Salah satu aset tersebut adalah kekuatan filantropi dan jaringan Muhammadiyah. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan dan menganalisis gerakan filantropi dan jaringan Muhammadiyah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan dokumentasi. Wawancara dilakukan dengan beberapa sumber dari MCCC dan Lazismu dan penelitian sebelumnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sejauh mana jaringan dan kepercayaan publik terhadap Muhammadiyah adalah modalitas yang kuat untuk memperoleh dan mengelola sumber daya, terutama bantuan. Dalam berbagai bentuk, bantuan anggota Muhammadiyah menunjukkan rasa persaudaraan yang kuat selama pandemi melintasi batas-batas agama, etnis, dan kelas ekonomi. Bantuan dari berbagai lembaga donor dalam dan luar negeri menunjukkan kepercayaan dan keyakinan Muhammadiyah untuk mengelolanya dengan amanah. Dengan itu, dapat menjangkau dan mendistribusikannya ke tingkat akar rumput. Selain sumber daya yang dimiliki Muhammadiyah, banyak gerakan sosial filantropis yang dilakukan selama pandemi didukung oleh sumber daya tersebut. Hal ini membuktikan bahwa dalam keterbatasan di masa pandemi Covid-19, Muhammadiyah sebagai CSO dapat mengisi keterbatasan negara melalui gerakan filantropi di bidang kesehatan, ekonomi, agama, dan pendidikan. Kata Kunci: Organisasi masyarakat sipil (OMS), Muhammadiyah, jejaring, gerakan filantropi

Collaborative Governance in HIV And AIDS Prevention in Sleman District 2018 Yunita Elianda; Dian Eka Rahmawati
Journal of Government and Civil Society Vol 4, No 1 (2020): Journal of Government and Civil Society (April)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tangerang

AIDS caused by HIV is a health issue of global concern. In Indonesia, in the first quarter of 2017, the number of HIV cases was 10,376 and AIDS cases were 673. DIY is a tourism city and student city that has a high level of human movement so it is highly likely that behaviors that are at risk of contracting or transmitting HIV and AIDS. DIY has an attraction that makes many people with different socio-economic and demographic backgrounds come to this region. Many tourists from domestic and abroad are interested in the beauty of tourism in DIY. Therefore, collaborative governance among stakeholders is needed in the response to HIV and AIDS. There are eight indicators to see the success of collaborative governance according to DeSeve: Networked Structure, Commitment to a Common Purpose, Trust Among the Participants, Governance, Access to Authority, Distributive Accountability / Responsibility, Information Sharing, Access to Resources. The findings of this study are that cross-sectoral collaboration carried out does not yet have regulations as a guideline in carrying out such collaboration. So that cooperation is only at the stage of mutual involvement in the response to HIV and AIDS, not at the stage of official cooperation that has legality. Because the existence of basic rules is important in collaborative governance as the initial foundation and legitimacy for stakeholders who act. AIDS yang disebabkan oleh HIV adalah masalah kesehatan yang menjadi perhatian global. Di Indonesia, pada kuartal pertama 2017, jumlah kasus HIV mencapai 10.376 dan kasus AIDS sebanyak 673. Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY) adalah kota pariwisata dan kota pelajar yang memiliki tingkat pergerakan manusia yang tinggi sehingga sangat mungkin perilaku yang berisiko tertular atau menularkan HIV dan AIDS. DIY memiliki daya tarik yang membuat banyak orang dengan latar belakang sosial ekonomi dan demografi yang berbeda datang ke wilayah ini. Banyak wisatawan dari dalam dan luar negeri tertarik pada keindahan pariwisata di DIY. Oleh karena itu, tata kelola kolaboratif di antara para pemangku kepentingan diperlukan dalam menanggapi HIV dan AIDS. Ada delapan indikator untuk melihat keberhasilan tata kelola kolaboratif menurut DeSeve: Struktur Jaringan, Komitmen untuk Tujuan Bersama, Kepercayaan di antara Para Peserta, Tata Kelola, Akses ke Otoritas, Akuntabilitas / Tanggung Jawab Distributif, Berbagi Informasi, dan Akses ke Sumber Daya. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa kolaborasi lintas sektoral yang dilakukan belum memiliki peraturan sebagai pedoman dalam melakukan kolaborasi tersebut sehingga kerja sama hanya pada tahap keterlibatan timbal balik dalam penanggulangan HIV dan AIDS, bukan pada tahap kerja sama resmi yang memiliki legalitas. Bagaimanapun juga, keberadaan aturan dasar menjadi penting dalam tata kelola kolaboratif sebagai landasan awal dan legitimasi bagi para pemangku kepentingan yang bertindak.

Power Contestation on Marriage Age Discourse in Dealing with Islamic Value: a Case Study on Nahdlatul Ulama DIAN EKA RAHMAWATI; MUHADJIR DARWIN; MUNAWAR AHMAD
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v9i1.3871

This study aims to understand the debate on the issue of early prevention from the perspective of NU and NU women activist group. Why there is a difference between NU structures and NU women activist groups. What the knowledge regime that underlies the legitimacy of their attitude is. What are the interests behind differences in attitudes and knowledge regimes used. This study uses a qualitative method. The data was collected by interviewing the board of Muslimat NU, PP Fatayat NU, and PP Rahima and collecting documentation from books, journals, magazines, printed and online newspapers, official website, and mass media decisions. Data analysis techniques performed with data reduction, data display, and conclusion. The result shows that differences in attitudes about the issue of early marriage between NU structures and NU women activist groups stem from different perspectives and interests. Differences perspectives can be seen from differences in interpretation "baligh" as the basis for setting marriage age limit. The interest of the NU structures to accomodate early marriage practices are still prevalent among NU and maintain the status quo of the NU gender habitus. The interest of NU women activist groups is to contextually interpret fikih and to fight for the ideology of theological feminism prosecuting patriarchy within the NU gender habitus. NU Women’s activist groups can reproduce reason about gender relation in Islam that derived from the accumulation of social capital and cultural capital. Keywords: Power Contestation, Marriage Age Discourse, Early Marriage, Capitals, Habitus, Nahdlatul Ulama Women's Activist

Women's Representation in the 2019 Legislative Election In Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) Dian Eka Rahmawati; Afiyatika Mufidati
PERSPEKTIF Vol 10, No 1 (2021): PERSPEKTIF - January
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v10i1.4217

Legislative elections are a democratic instrument for selecting candidates who are expected to be able to channel people's aspirations in policy making. The presence of female candidates is expected to be able to influence the policy-making process related to women's needs and interests. In the 2019 legislative elections in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY) there was an increase in the number of women at the candidacy stage and the number of elected candidates compared to the 2014 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence the electability of female candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in DIY. The results of the study found that there were differences in motivation between elected and unelected candidates. Strong motivation provides encouragement for female candidates to try their best to campaign for themselves with various strategies. Motivation as the main factor is supported by factors of network breadth, social and political experience, support and family background, and popularity.

The Role of Regional Heads in Corruption Crime in Klaten Regency Muhammad Dimas Rizqi; Achmad Nurmandi; Dian Eka Rahmawati
Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol 8, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jch.v8i2.14854

AbstractThe administrators of the state should be obliged to carry out their duties with a sense of responsibility and do not commit disgraceful acts, without strings attached either for personal, family, crony or group interests and do not expect compensation in any form that is contrary to the provisions of the legislation in force. However, Sri Hartini as the state organizer as the Regent of Klaten did it against the law. For this reason, the purpose of this research is how is the role of Sri Hartini as the Regent of Klaten Related to Corruption in Klaten Regency. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods and data analysis techniques using the Nvivo 12 Plus software and secondary data sources from the Putusan Mahkamah Agung Nomor 55/PID.SusTPK/2017/PN.SMG. And the result is that Sri Hartini's role as a state organizer as Klaten Regent has a very dominant role in committing criminal acts of corruption, gratuity, bribery, and abuse of authority with the new SOTK changes in the Klaten District Government Environment. This can be proven by the percentage generated from the analysis using Nvivo 12 Plus, namely Gratification with a percentage of 35.27%, Network with a percentage of 45.95%, Bribery with a percentage of 38.08%, and Abuse of authority with a percentage of 37.82%.Keywords: Regents, Corruption, Gratification, Bribery, Abuse of Authority AbstrakPenyelenggara negara seharusnya berkewajiban untuk melaksanakan tugas dengan rasa tanggung jawab dan tidak melakukan perbuatan tercela, tanpa pamrih baik untuk kepentingan pribadi, keluarga, kroni maupun kelompok dan tidak megharapkan imbalan dalam bentuk apapun yang bertentangan dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Namun, Bupati Klaten sebagai penyelenggara negara melakukan yang bertentangan dengan hukum. Untuk itu tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah bagaimana peran Bupati Klaten terkait tindak Pidana Korupsi di daerahnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualititatif dan teknik analisis data menggunakan Software Nvivo 12 Plus serta sumber data sekunder dari Putusan Mahkamah Agung dengan Nomor 55/PID.SusTPK/2017/PN.SMG. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa Bupati Klaten sebagai penyelenggara negara memiliki peran yang sangat dominan dalam melakukan tindak pidana korupsi, gratifikasi, suap, dan menyalahgunaan wewenang dengan adanya perubahan SOTK yang baru di Lingkungan Pemerintah Kabupaten Klaten. Hal itu dapat dibuktikan dengan adanya presentase yang dihasilkan dari analisis menggunakan Nvivo 12 Plus, yakni Gratifikasi dengan presentase 35.27%, Jejaring dengan presentase 45.95%, Suap dengan presentase 38.08%, dan Penyalahgunaan wewenang dengan presentase 37.82%.Kata Kunci: Bupati, Korupsi, Gratifikasi, Suap, Penyalahgunaan Wewenang. АннотацияГосударственные служащие должны выполнять свои обязанности ответственно и не совершать противоправных актов, без скрытых мотив в личных, семейных, дружеских или групповых интересах и не ожидать какой-либо компенсации, противоречащей постановлениям положений действующих законов. Однако регент Klaten как государственный служащий нарушил этот закон. По этой причине целью данного исследования является определение роли Регента Klaten по отношению к коррупции в его районе. В этом исследовании используются описательные качественные методы исследования и методы анализа данных с использованием программного обеспечения NVivo 12 Plus, а также вторичные источники данных из Постановления Верховного Суда № 55/PID.SusTPK/2017/PN.SMG. Результаты исследования показали, что Регент Klaten как государственный служащий играл очень доминирующую роль в совершении коррупционного преступления, денежного предоставления, взяточничества и злоупотребления властью с новыми изменениями SOTK в Правительстве Регентства Klaten. Это может быть доказано процентом, полученным в результате анализа с использованием Nvivo 12 Plus, а именно: денежное предоставление - 35,27%, использование личных связей и знакомств - 45,95%, взяточничество - 38,08% и злоупотребление властью - 37,82%.Ключевые слова: Регент, коррупция, денежное предоставление, взятка, злоупотребление властью.

Gender Discourse and Women Movements in Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) DIAN EKA RAHMAWATI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0017

The involvement of NU gender activists with the femi-nism ideas, the strengthening of democracy issues in Islam, and the effects of civil society development introduced by NGO or new social movement have made gender discourse and women movement in-side NU in dynamic. The occurrence of the new dis-courses brought by some NU gender activist results in the thought and movement among the NU activ-ists community. It also happens inside the NU’s struc-ture. Further implication, some activists who disagree with the thought and movement of Muslimat and Fatayat as NU female organization found other in-stitutions outside the NU’s structure. It shows that gender thought and women movement in NU is not static and anti-politics, on the contrary, it becomes dynamic and political because each actor involved inside try to affect and dominate each other both in discursive and praxis levels. This article aims to ex-plain critically the various studies that have been done about the gender discourse and the women movements in NU. The discussion will begin with the development of the gender discourse and women movements in the general overview, the develop-ment gender discourse and Muslim women move-ments, the influence of the gender discourse and women movements in NU. After that, it will be fol-lowed by the analysis of various literatures on gen-der discourse and women movements in NU as seen from the structural and cultural perspectives

Women’s Electability in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Kulon Progo Regency Dian Eka Rahmawati; Devi Syahfitri
JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah Vol 6 No 1 (2021): Good Governance and Local Politic
Publisher : Universitas Pancasakti Tegal

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24905/jip.6.1.2021.23-36

Women's representation is indispensable in the policy making process related to women's interests and needs. Kulon Progo Regency is the only regency in DIY Province that has increased the number of female candidates elected in the 2019 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence women's elections in Kulon Progo Regency in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses qualitative methods. Data collection is done by documentation and interview techniques. The results showed that there had been an increase in the selection of female candidates by 2.5% compared to the 2014 legislative elections. Factors supporting women's electability: family support, social skills, education and political experience, support from political parties, and solidity of the success team. Inhibiting factors for women's electability: competition with incumbents, lack of education and political experience, open proportional electoral systems, limited funds, and limited campaign time.

Political trust of the Dayak Paser indigenous law community regarding the capital city relocation policy Tengku Imam Syarifuddin; Dian Eka Rahmawati; Dafid Efendi
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 33 No. 4 (2020): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

The country’s capital will succeed if it works well as the national government center, a prosperous and livable city. As the country’s multifunctional capital, Jakarta has undoubtedly caused many social, political, and economic problems that are difficult to overcome. This article aims to determine the political trust in the indigenous law community of Dayak Paser concerning the national capital relocation policy, using qualitative analysis consisting of a literature study approach with Nvivo 12 Plus application to analyze the data derived from internet websites. The author used government alignments, cultural norms, and economic change as the indicators in this study. The author also separates the community of Dayak Paser into the indigenous law community and the indigenous leaders. The result is that the members of the indigenous law communities prefer the sustainability of the cultural norms. The dominant indigenous figures prefer the government’s alignments. If the government guarantees the standard order, then the indigenous law community’s site and rights will not go extinct. Indigenous leaders and the members of the indigenous law community are equally subordinate to the economic factors. The conclusion that the government’s alignment toward sustainability cultural norms affects the economic changes. The author also recommends that the country’s capital design should use a metaphorical concept approach.

Co-Authors Abd. Rasyid, Syamsul Bahri Achmad Nurmandi Adiguna, Aditya Putera Afiyatika Mufidati Ahdarrijal, Yujitia Aldisa, Fausta Ega Alim, Ashari Sakti Arif Zainudin Arissy Jorgi Sutan Asmiyono, Elzania Asruddin, Fajar Aswad Astuti, Dwi Woro Atikah Fadilla Aulia, Elsa Sabilla Bella Kharisma Cahya Wulan Wulan Chandra Dewi Puspitasari Dafid Efendi David Efendi Dessy Ramadhany Devi Syahfitri Diah Wahyuningsih Difa Umayah Dita Winda Hastuti Dwi Woro Astuti Ekklesia Hulahi Erni Zuhriyati Erni Zuhriyati, Erni Fitriani Fitriani Hana Marlina Isnah Rahmadani Hanggaratri, Candra Ayu Haryadi Arief Nuur Rasyid Hastuti, Dita Winda Hermastuti, Akmalia Inessafitri, Berliana Shefaradewi Inrinofita Sari Kartika Putri, Aulia KHAIRIYAH, MIFTAHUL Lumintang, Adinda Tyas Lutfiah, Riska Nofharina Maesaroh Maesaroh Matza, Salmawati Maulana, Muhammad Akbar Michel, Diana Misran Muhadjir Darwin Muhadjir Darwin Muhammad Dimas Rizqi Munawar Ahmad MUNAWAR AHMAD Nabiilah, Nasywaa Nafrah Maudina Nurul Wahdaniyah Nurwijayanti Nuur Rasyid, Haryadi Arief Padoma, Orlando Prabawa, Windhi Gita Purwaningsih, Titin Putri, Nazwa Amalia Rahmawati Husein, Rahmawati Ramadhany, Dessy Realyta, Elfrida Bela Risma, Yufanabila Rizqi, Muhammad Dimas Salmawati Matza Salmawati Salmawati, Salmawati Saputra, Herdin Arie Sastrawan, Abim Satria, Teguh Satriannisa, Hasna Suswanta Syamsiar, Syamsiar Tengku Imam Syarifuddin Umayah, Difa Umi Kulsum Yunita Elianda

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