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MANAJEMEN PENGELOLAAN BANK SAMPAH OLEH DINAS LINGKUNGAN HIDUP DAN KEBERSIHAN KOTA PEKANBARU TAHUN 2024 Aloysius Wisely Simanjuntak; Muchid '
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2026
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Abstract

Pekanbaru City is one of the largest cities with the highest waste generation in Riau Province in 2024. In addressing the problem of increasing waste, the Pekanbaru City Environmental and Sanitation Agency through waste banks strives to increase community participation and reduce waste generation in Pekanbaru City. However, the management of waste banks is not running optimally and maximally. The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze Waste Bank Management by the Pekanbaru City Environmental and Sanitation Agency in 2024. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. In data collection, the author uses interview and documentation techniques in waste bank management at the Pekanbaru City DLHK. The results of the study based on four indicators in the theory of government management show that in the planning indicator, there is socialization carried out to the community, reactivating the Main Waste Bank (BSI), and forming around 300 Unit Waste Banks (BSU) in each sub-district, but in planning meetings the community has not been involved. In terms of organization, the waste bank's organizational structure has been established based on Regulation of the Minister of Environment and Forestry Number 14 of 2021 tentang Pengelolaan Sampah melalui Bank Sampah, and collaboration with the community has been established through a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). However, in terms of implementation, Pekanbaru City's waste bank activities have not been running optimally due to limited facilities and differing budget allocations. Meanwhile, in terms of supervision, effective oversight has not yet been achieved, relying solely on monthly waste generation reports without concrete follow-up. Thus, It is necessary to implement more effective government management so that waste bank management in Pekanbaru City can run optimally and achieve the expected goals. Keywords: Waste Bank Management, Planning, Organizing, Actuanting, Controling
Otorita Batam dan Reformasi Sistem Pemerintahan di Indonesia (1997-2004) Muchid Albintani; Ali Yusri; Ishak
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10 No 15 (2011)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v10i1.1599

Abstract

Otorita Batam is a New Order institution ( assumed ORBA) still deputize regime of otoritarian Soehartowith three especial activity namely economics, political and inseparable law. System governance reformUUD 1945 cannot give impact to existence of Otorita Batam and make product institute of ORBA thisremain to be strong as a self-supporting institution. This research aim (i). Analysing and explainingposition of Otorita Batam at reform era in system governance of Indonesia. ( ii) Identify and factorsformulation causing the increasing of independence power of Otorita Batam reform execution era of areaautonomy in Indonesia. This research use approach of political and political economics of law. ThisResearch type qualitative. Method data collecting research of field, circumstantial interview anddocumentation with informan. While method analyse data use analytical discriptioin. Result of researchget, (i) The actor or importance group maintaining existence of Otorita Batam in system governance ofIndonesia. That is why policy of Otorita Batam which only in the form of Decision of President remain tobe defended, even contradiction and weaker than law. Whereas, cause factors gain strength of OtoritaBatam era execution of decentralization (local autonomi) caused its strong (ii) Domicile power of CentralGovernment and weaken law him Governance of Area and Otorita Batam at variance with LocalGovernment. Both this factor show if institute made in this ORBA represent the part of regime ofotoritarian which remain ( Neo-Soehartois). This reality bear term which is on a period of ORBA referredas ' state in state' and reform era referred as with ' state in local gorvernment'.Keywords: Otorita Batam, local autonomy and reformation
Konstruksi Ekonomi Politik Media Massa: Kasus Pemberitaan Illegal Logging pada PT. RAPP (2009-2010) Muchid Albintani
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 11 No 17 (2012)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v11i1.1610

Abstract

PT. Riau Andalan Pulp and Paper (RAPP) and the activities of Illegal Logging inthe period 2009-2010 the focus of mass media. The focus of the reports motivatedby contradictory realities. On the one hand for the first time since a RegionalHead of local autonomy (Regent) was convicted of corruption (graft) relatedlicense for utilization of timber forest products (IUPHHK) that led to the illegallogging activities that also involve PT. RAPP. While on the other hand, theMinistry of Forestry by SK MENHUT/327/2009, provides expansion of theSemenanjung Kampar to PT. RAPP considered problematic and potentially theactivity of Illegal Logging. This paper aims to, first analyze the media coverage ofIllegal Logging on the existence PT. RAPP in 2009-2010. Second, describe andanalyze the implications of the media coverage of Illegal Logging on the existencePT. RAPP in 2009-2010. This paper uses constructionist (media) and politicaleconomy communication as a theoretical approach. The results of the discussionshowed that, the first the relationship of Illegal Logging and PT. RAPP has beenconstructed by the media that shows if the presence of both (PT RAPP and IllegalLogging) in the year 2009-2010 run separately and not linked. The second, so thenews about the activities undertaken Illegal Logging ('alleged') in PT RAPP anissue of 'ambiguous' and different from each other. In this context, if the newsshowed Illegal Logging, rather than an integral part of the production process(activities) PT. RAPP.
Quo Vadis MPR RI: Antara Eksistensi dan Legalitas Produk? Muchid Albintani
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 14 No 24 (2015)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v14i2.6176

Abstract

The existence of the institution as People's Consultative Assembly [MPR] in the Indonesian legal and political system reform era has lost its real existence. This is due to the Assembly in the era Old Order and New Order is a tool for the rule to justify the truth in defense of the regime. While in the reforms era that have transformed the politics of law [the law of political reform], the Assembly as a whole are voters product democratic institutions 'half aspirational', representative democracy areas that can not directly create and produce regulations [legislation]. Based on the background mentioned, this paper aims to [i] Explaining the position of the Assembly as an institution of the state in the Indonesian legal and political system; [ii] Explains MPR decrees in the hierarchy [structure] of the Indonesian Legal Politics. Based on the rationale of this paper conclude two things. First, as an institution 'half aspirational', MPR has a function and authority as 'judge consent of the governed' in determining [the good, bad and fail or succeed] the implementation of the rule of law in the future. Second, because being 'judge consent of the governed', then the laws the MPR in the hierarchy of law if the Constitution as Constitutional-philosophical, the Decision [TAP] MPR can be Constitutional-Legal-Sociological Considering as a basis for policy making [ragulation] related matters a special thing for the benefit of the people.
Budaya Demokrasi di Sulawesi Selatan: Perspektif Strukturasi Muchid Albintani
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 15 No 25 (2016)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v15i25.3852

Abstract

This paper was presented as an attempt to understand the relationship of culture and democracy in the contemporary era [political reform] in perspective Structuration in Sulawesi Selatan. Cultural relations and democracy as a political system becomes an important era of reforms ongoing regime. In this context, political culture can be a pattern for rebuilding a democratic political behavior, especially that coming, raised and developed from the values of the local community, such as in Sulawesi Selatan. From this culture can be the foundation to build democracy ‘patterned’ local. Based on this argument paper is aimed at, [i] Identify and analyze the interaction of the instruments ‘culture of democracy’ in the contemporary Sulawesi Selatan. [i]. Formulating a contemporary democratic culture in South Sulawesi. To help explain and answer relationship with the democratic culture used the theory of Democracy, Political Culture and Structuration. The review of this paper shows that [i] Instruments and cultural interaction of democracy that exists in Sulawesi Selatan, Wajo Eclectic is a form of government, a special selection mechanism that leaders and representatives tiered, based on the relationship of the people and leaders of law as well as agreements made together. Furthermore, the interaction between these instruments indicate if the form of government, election mechanism as well as representatives and leaders of government’s relationship with its people have significance to the structure [political institution], not the actor or elite with ties to the past. [ii] Based on these conditions, the formulation of political culture in the era of political reform [contemporary era] in Sulawesi Selatan is characterized by [a] The strong primordial and paternalism and, [b] Culture conflictual still strong, do not show the cultural values inherited from the previous., Based on this argument appears that the structure remain more influential actor who should have the value of integrity and independence.
Pancasila dan Identitas Ke-Indonesia-an: Sebuah Catatan Krisis Muchid Albintani
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 16 No 28 (2017)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v16i28.5825

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The term there is no legislation under development of Pancasila as the basis of the state, but the position of Pancasila is unshakeable. The anti-Pancasila attitude must also be anti-diversity that can live as a nation and a state [national crises]. Without affirmation or not in the legislation, Pancasila is the ‘foundation and ideology of the state’. Based on the fact that there is irrelevant when the question arises, whether Pancasila is still needed as the basis of state and nation, or is Pancasila still needed as a source of national law that explicitly needs to be affirmed into the 1945 Constitution and the sanctions of Pancasila tabulatively? This paper is an assertion of [reinforcement] of the Pencasila as an ideology into the 1945 Constitution or not, highly dependent on the winning electoral regime and the ‘election-winning political party’. Pancasila as ‘the foundation and ideology of the state’ becomes the determinant of ‘as close as the regime of the results of the practice of direct democracy’. Therefore, the affirmation of the essentials in building a lasting and harmonious life of fellow children of the nation in the future. Recognizing the reintroduction of the Indonesia’s identity of essence of Pancasila as the ideology of nation and state is based on ‘national consensus’. This awareness is resilient, so that a country that has been established for more than 73 years does not experience an identity crisis.
Politik Identitas dan Negara Bangsa di Riau Erman; Muchid Albintani
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 17 No 29 (2018)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v17i29.7054

Abstract

Riau Vision 2020, regional regulations on Lembaga Adat Melayu[LAM] Riau, the issue of sons and non-sons of the region in regional head elections are the main characteristic of the ongoing revival of the Political Identity of the era of regional autonomy in Riau. The Rise of Identity Politics in Riau is considered to be at odds with the nation-state whose essence is recognizing diversity. The politics of identity in this context is considered to jeopardize the development of the diversity-based nation-state [nationalism]. This research aims, firstly, to address the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. Second, explaining the main obstacles to the Political Identity relationship with the nation-state in Riau in an effort to prevent local disintegration. The Political Approach to Identity and Nation- State is used as a theoretical framework. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. Data is collected based on documents supported by interviews. After collecting the data analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study concluded, first, that the existence of the Riau 2020 vision, and the Riau Malay Customary Institution as a forum for empowerment of ‘Malays’ in the context of the Politics of Identity and State-nation, kept the potential for ethnicideological conflict. The concept of ‘Melayu’ in the vision impresses the sultry between Malay [ethnic] and Islam [ideology]. The vision is the consequence of local-minority hegemony. ‘Melayu’, structurally and constitutionally suggests that Melayu Malays ’control, even though there are minorities if they are accumulated with other ethnic groups. Second, the various obstacles that occur in the relationship between the Politics of Identity and State-nation are, [1] Malays are interpreted as hegemony in terms of relative deprivation. [2] Structural and cultural constraints have an effect on the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity [the existence of Riau LAM suggests more superiority and cultural domination. [3] Shifting issues in Political Idenitas, does not work linearly due to institutional-based personal interests. Practically this research provides an important reference for the relationship between LAM Riau and local governments that can prevent local disintegration. Academically, the relationship between the nation-state and the Politics of Identity can be constructed into a model and approach that can anticipate potential identity conflicts, especially in Riau.
Provinsi “Istimewa Melayu Kepulauan Riau”: (Gagasan Permulaan) Muchid Albintani; Auradian Marta
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 19 No 1 (2020)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/jipn.v19i1.7833

Abstract

Esai ini berupaya menelaah hubungan kausalitas antara regulasi ketatanegaraan [keberadaan pemerintah pusat sebagai negara dalam arti sempit terhadap ‘Pemerintahan Alam Melayu’], dan corak pemerintahan daerah [berdasarkan budaya politik lokal sebagai implementasi desentralisasi] di kawasan Riau Kepulauan yang dianggap strategis secara geografis. Esai iniber tujuan, [i] Menjelaskan faktor-faktor yang mendukung urgensinya mewujudkan ‘Pemerintahan Alam Melayu’ di Kepulauan Riau sebagai kawasan strategis. [ii] Menjelaskan implemen tasi ‘Pemerintahan Alam Melayu’ di Kepulauan Riau sebagai kawasan atau wilayah strategs. Hasil penelaahan menunjukkan, [i] Berdasarkan perspektif Geo-politik dan pola Hubungan Pusat-daerah, corak pemerintahan lokal sebagai upaya pelaksanaan desentralisasi di Kepulauan Riau adalah sebuah keniscayaan karena merupakan kawasan perbatasan yang strategis [ii] Berdasarkan kedua perspektif tersebut, esai ini menginisiasi studi akademis, dan formulasi kebijakan pembentukan ‘Provinsi Istimewa Melayu Riau Kepulauan’.
Kontestasi Calon Presiden Republik Indonesia 2024 di Media Sosial Hasteg #Prabowo, #AniesBaswedan di Twitter Ismandianto Ismandianto; Muchid Albintani; Najwa Suprianti; Friska Meliana Putri
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 22 No 2 (2023)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/njip.v22i2.554

Abstract

The registration for the 2024 presidential candidates began at the end of 2023, but the euphoria of the 2024 presidential candidates began to be felt since the beginning of 2022. Several survey institutions issued public opinions regarding several 2024 presidential candidates. Public opinion about the 2024 presidential candidates cannot only be obtained through direct interviews. Public opinion acquisition can also be done through social media such as Twitter. Therefore this research has the aim of studying communication networks and determining actors who hold influence in the #Prabowo and #anies baswedan network on Twitter social media. This study uses the Social Network Analysis (SNA) research method or social network analysis with the theory of Computer Mediated Communication. The results of this study show that #Prabowo's information spreads quickly and easily on Twitter. Based on data collected from 2,500 actors, there are a total of 682 interactions between actors in the #Prabowo network. The results of #anies baswedan show that this communication network has a relationship typetwo mode and the network is direct and has the direction of the main actor, namely #anies baswedan with valuedegree centrality 766 and the relationship between actors in this communication network is very close.
Co-Authors ', Erman ', Ishak AA Sudharmawan, AA Achmad Fauzi ACHMAD FAUZI Achmad Fauzi Ade Agus Hartanto Adianto Adianto Agus Susanto Agus Susanto Ahmad, Zakly Hanafi Akbar, Hapis Al Fauzi Rahmat Alam Mahadika Alex Sugara Ali Yusri Aloysius Wisely Simanjuntak Ambar Setiyani Amrizal Achmad Andini, Mutiara Azzaria Anton Budi Dharma Ardiansyah Ardiansyah Asriwandari, Hesty Asta, Refaldo Auradian Marta Ayu Tri Utami Belli Nasution Cantika, Bunga Dadang Mashur Dewi Putri Anggi Diana Sari Edy Kurniadi Efendi, Resty Ardila Efni Noor Salam Eko azi septiawan Eko P Purnomo Erman Fadli Syahputra Febri Yuliani Febri Yuliani Fitri Ramadani Friska Meliana Putri Gagas Tri Anggoro Habibul Wahyudi Handoko, Tito Hasan Sazali Heru Yolanda Ikram, Muhammad Indry Iranda Firiansyah Irda Desbanita Ishak Ismandianto Julfan Dwi Putra Khairani, Sarah Khasna Latifah Lili Suryani Lizbeth Lindrieny Lubis M. Iqbal Vadila M. Rafi Mafatihul Ulum Marlina, Yosi Maulia Putri Mawarni " Meliana Putri, Friska Mhd. Rafi Mohammad Saeri Muhammad Firdaus Muhammadi, Qasem Najwa Suprianti Nanda, Alfrezi Notatema Zebua, Ben Hansel Nugroho, Anong Tri Cahyo Nurdiana " Nurmala Sari Pebriana Marlinda Priandoko " Prima wahyudi Purba, Elisabet Duma Novita Refaldo Asta Riandi Adma Tri Saputra Rita Wati Rizki Zukmadianty Putri Rubani, Mardiah Rusmadi Awza Sadriah Lahamid Seno Andri Seno Andri Sinurat, Owen Sri Devi, Sri SRI WULANDARI Sujianto Sujianto Sujianto Suprianti, Najwa Suyanto Suyanto Syahri Ramadhani Sinuraya Tanjung, Hasbullah Tri Joko Waluyo Vadila, M. Iqbal VEGA Wahyuandra, Muhammad Ilham Wasillah, Asiah Wawan Wawan Wicaksono, Luluk Reza Winata, Septiani Putri Winta Pratiwi Yudini Rahman Zaili Rusli Zukmadianty Putri, Rizki Zulfa Harirah MS Zulkarnain Zulkarnain