Articles
<![CDATA[The Islam Defence Action: A Challenge of Islamic Movement to Democratic Transition in the Post 2014 Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>;
<![CDATA[Dian Arifiyati Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Latip Ashari]]>;
<![CDATA[Rini Maduratmi]]>
<![CDATA[ Wacana Journal of Social and Humanity Studies Vol. 20 No. 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Pascasarjana Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Islam Defense Action in Jakarta during November to December 2016 was the largest protest movement that ever been held in Indonesia and brought national concerns over political instability. Hudred thousands to milions of people overwhelmed the streets protesting the alleged blasphemy on Islam by Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a candidate for the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election that has a close connection to President Joko Widodo. This article analyzes the outbreak of the protest movement as a depiction of the strategic influence of Islamic groups in the midst of political upheaval threat. The protest movement showed a struggle to defend their values, but on the other hand its political impact cannot be disclaimed. Above all of the phenomena, Islam Defense Action implies that religious sentiment still interacts with the politics and challenging the role of Islamic civil society toward Indonesia democracy transition in the post 2014.]]>
<![CDATA[PARTISIPASI GENERASI MUDA DALAM MEMBENTUK MASYARAKAT PEMILIH YANG CERDAS DAN DEWASA BERPOLITIK DI KECAMATAN JATINANGOR ]]>
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>
<![CDATA[ Dharmakarya Vol 7, No 4 (2018): Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/dharmakarya.v7i4.19938
<![CDATA[Pada 2019, Indonesia menggelar pemilihan umum yang kelima di era reformasi. Meskipun demokratisasi telah berlangsung selama dua puluh tahun, harapan masyarakat akan peningkatan kinerja pemerintah dan kesejahteraan dianggap belum optimal. Salah satu penyebabnya adalah rendahnya kualitas pemilih, di mana sebagian masyarakat pemilih masih mengedepankan faktor-faktor yang mendegradasi hasil pemilihan umum, seperti terlibat dalam jual-beli suara, mobilisasi isu-isu suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan, dan menyebarkan berita bohong. Atas permasalahan tersebut, tim peneliti mengadakan kegiatan sosialisasi yang bertujuan untuk mendorong kelompok-kelompok pemuda di Kecamatan Jatinangor yang direpresentasikan oleh beberapa organisasi ekstra kampus untuk berpartisipasi dalam membentuk masyarakat pemilih yang cerdas dan dewasa berpolitik. Penekanan dalam kegiatan ini adalah elaborasi wacana melalui diskusi yang konstruktif yang berporos pada penguatan komitmen kelompok-kelompok pemuda terhadap demokrasi. Hasil dari kegiatan ini terwujud pada tercapainya kesepakatan di antara organisasi-organisasi ekstra kampus di Kecamatan Jatinangor untuk turut mencerdaskan masyarakat pemilih di sekitarnya demi meningkatkan kualitas pemilihan umum khususnya pada perhelatan pemilihan umum 2019.]]>
<![CDATA[MENGATASI PERMASALAHAN SAMPAH DI LOKASI WISATA ALAM GUNUNG DI JAWA BARAT ]]>
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>
<![CDATA[ Dharmakarya Vol 10, No 4 (2021): Desember, 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/dharmakarya.v10i4.35767
<![CDATA[Seiring dengan meningkatnya antusias warga masyarakat dalam melakukan kegiatan rekreasi di alam bebas, sampah kini menjadi permasalahan di berbagai lokasi wisata alam gunung di Jawa Barat. Artikel ini mendeskripsikan kegiatan pengabdian pada masyarakat (PPM) dosen Universitas Padjadjaran (Unpad) dalam bentuk sosialisasi dan edukasi kepada masyarakat agar bersama-sama mengatasi permasalahan sampah tersebut. Karena dalam kondisi pandemi, kegiatan PPM dilakukan dalam bentuk Webinar dengan mengundang para pembicara dari kalangan aktivis kegiatan alam bebas, aktivis lingkungan, dan akademisi. Sementara itu, para peserta Webinar terdiri dari kelompok-kelompok pecinta alam dan para praktisi kegiatan alam bebas di Jawa Barat. Melalui kegiatan ini, peserta mendapatkan pemahaman tentang pentingnya berperilaku tidak mengotori lokasi wisata alam dengan sampah yang dibawanya. Para peserta juga mendapatkan pengetahuan tentang berkegiatan di alam bebas tanpa menghasilkan sampah (zero-waste).]]>
<![CDATA[Fungsi Rekruitmen Politik Calon Legislatif Partai GERINDRA pada Pemilihan Umum 2019 Di Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Aisatul Husna]]>;
<![CDATA[Firman Manan]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>
<![CDATA[ JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL Vol 11, No 1 (2019): JUPIIS (JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU ILMU SOSIAL) JUNI ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Medan ]]>
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DOI: 10.24114/jupiis.v11i1.13023
<![CDATA[This study aims to determine the changes in the pattern of recruitment of Gerindra Party legislative candidates after being declared an open party in the 2019 election in DKI Jakarta and to know the function of cadre recruitment to be prepared in the Gerindra 2019 party legislative candidates in DKI Jakarta. The recruitment by the Gerindra Party is semi-open because all people who fulfill the requirements can be chosen as legislative candidates from the party. This research uses qualitative methods, with descriptive research types. Data collection through observation and interviews. 2019 elections have 20 political parties. Political parties in Indonesia are institutions that are considered important in a democratic system. Therefore, political parties are obliged to recruit candidates for legislative members who later party cadres will be placed in parliament and also through open selection both internal and external cadres. The Gerindra Party in facing the 2019 election has a policy to implement a recruitment mechanism for legislative candidates. Thus it is hoped that the best representatives of the people will be able to emerge in the 2019 elections, both at the level of the DPR RI, Provincial DPRD and City / Regency DPRD.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s political culture in the new digital age: A preliminary discussion ]]>
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>;
<![CDATA[Widya Setiabudi Sumadinata]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 32 No. 4 (2019): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V32I42019.378-389
<![CDATA[The development of increasingly accessible digital media has resulted in reasonably intense dynamics of political behaviour and articulation. However, the influence of the internet and social media use on Indonesian political culture has not been much discussed. This article explains changes in contemporary Indonesia’s political culture that align with the proliferation of new digital media by considering socio-political conditions and modernization. In its analysis, this article employs a historical-comparative method with an interpretive approach. The results of this study demonstrate that the traditional conception of power relation has historically influenced Indonesian political culture. In the post-Suharto era, the direct electoral system and primacy of television media promoted popular voter preferences that degraded traditional charismatic figures. The rise of the Internet and social media then had democratizing implications by increasing online public discussion. However, subsequent development of new digital media also illustrated counterproductive trajectory to democratic values as online frictions triggered ethnic and religious-based regrouping. Finally, this article considers that although widespread usage of the Internet and social media inspire democratic implications to Indonesian political culture, longstanding and deep-rooted traits, such as primordialism, persist within this more digitalized society.]]>
<![CDATA[The Domination Of The Noble Political Elites In Organizing The Government’s Policies In Central Lombok Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdul LATIF]]>;
<![CDATA[Arry BAINUS]]>;
<![CDATA[Yogi Suprayogi SUGANDI]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar HERDIANSAH]]>
<![CDATA[ International Journal of Environmental, Sustainability, and Social Science Vol. 3 No. 1 (2022): International Journal of Environmental, Sustainability, and Social Science (Mar ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesia Strategic Sustainability ]]>
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DOI: 10.38142/ijesss.v3i1.156
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe the hegemony of the aristocratic political elite in the administration of the government bureaucracy, to reveal the patterns and media of the hegemony of the aristocratic elite in maintaining the status and identity of the power structure, bureaucratic politics and to explain how the political implications of the hegemony of the aristocratic elite on the freedom of local democracy in Central Lombok Regency. The research uses a descriptive qualitative approach, one type of research that is intended to explore and clarify a phenomenon or social reality. By knowing the sources of primary and secondary data, as well as collecting data through in-depth interviews, non-participatory observations and documentation. Analysis of the data using an interactive analysis model. Based on the results of research analysis, the political hegemony of the aristocratic elite is carried out by regional heads as nobles by utilizing the government bureaucratic network through the placement of regional heads. The state civil apparatus from clans, relations and aristocratic relatives in various strategic positions such as heads of offices, and heads of government, patterns and strategies used to carry out political hegemony by the nobility in Central Lombok Regency is to utilize socio-religious organizations such as Nahdlatul Wathan, Islamic Boarding Schools and Islamic Boarding Schools. cultural associations such as the Central Lombok Sasak Cultural and Customary Council which have a wide network spread across the island. In fact, the political hegemony of the aristocratic elite in Central Lombok Regency has negative implications for local democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[Ulama dalam Politik Pemilu pada Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Afif Ginanjar]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>;
<![CDATA[R. Widya Setiabudi Sumadinata]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) Vol 3, No 3 (2021): Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Mahesa Research Center ]]>
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DOI: 10.34007/jehss.v3i3.414
<![CDATA[This study analyzes the factors of interest in the involvement of ulama in electoral politics by taking the case of the support of the Ulama and Habaib Forum (FUHAB) against Anies-Sandi in the DKI Jakarta Regional Head Election (Pilkada) 2017. The research method used is qualitative with the technique of collecting interview data with the FUHAB figures, Anies-Sani's success team, politicians, and academics as well as a literature review. The results showed that the dimensions of the interests which were arranged in the form of the economy of the ummah were based on identity. They strongly perceive some of the programs offered by Anies-Sandi as pro-people represented by the urban poor, such as stopping reclamation. In a practical manner, the political support of the FUHAB was fluid because in the early rounds they supported Agus-Silvi. The forms of their political work included using recitation and khutbah jum'at as well as securing votes at lower levels in the voting process. After Anies-Sandi won, the Habaib Ulama Forum (Fuhab), like other organizations, then received grant funds from the government and this shows that civil society organizations have a political bargaining position in elections which is useful for their interests.]]>
<![CDATA[FAKSIONALISASI DAN KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>;
<![CDATA[Djayadi Hanan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Publicuho Vol 3, No 3 (2020): August - October ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Halu Oleo ]]>
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DOI: 10.35817/jpu.v3i3.13081
<![CDATA[This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. ]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN ]]>
<![CDATA[Hamdani Kurniawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Ari Ganjar Herdiansah]]>;
<![CDATA[Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari]]>
<![CDATA[ ADLIYA: Jurnal Hukum dan Kemanusiaan Vol 15, No 1 (2021): ADLIYA : Jurnal Hukum dan Kemanusiaan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/adliya.v15i1.10906
<![CDATA[Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.]]>
