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All Journal Jurnal Bestari Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Jurnal Konseling dan Pendidikan STUDIA ISLAMIKA Afkaruna: Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Studies Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Jurnal Kawistara : Jurnal Ilmiah Sosial dan Humaniora Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies IJTIHAD Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan QIJIS (Qudus International Journal Of Islamic Studies) ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Jurnal Transformasi Global Wawasan : Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial JSW (Jurnal Sosiologi Walisongo) Jurnal Studi Agama dan Masyarakat Asy-Syir'ah: Jurnal Ilmu Syari'ah dan Hukum Profetika Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya Journal of Governance and Public Policy Jurnal Orientasi Baru Journal of Governance Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun Jurnal Studi Komunikasi Journal of Government and Civil Society SOSIOHUMANIORA: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Nyimak: Journal of Communication Langkawi: Journal of The Association for Arabic and English Al-Albab JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam Al-Izzah: Jurnal Hasil-Hasil Penelitian Iseedu: Journal of Islamic Educational Thoughts and Practices Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Jurnal Sosiologi Agama Al-Qalam MUWAZAH: Jurnal Kajian Gender Dialogia: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial Journal of Local Government Issues Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat MEMBANGUN NEGERI Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik The Journal of Society and Media International Journal of Communication and Society Maarif International Journal of Business, Humanities, Education and Social Sciences (IJBHES) International Journal of Islamic Khazanah International Journal of Social Science and Religion (IJSSR) Journal of Government and Politics (JGOP) Jurnal Magister Administrasi Publik East Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research (EAJMR) Mazahib: Jurnal Pemikiran Hukum Islam ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion JRP (Jurnal Review Politik) Kajian Ilmu Sosial Mediator: Jurnal Komunikasi Jurnal Pembumian Pancasila : Mewujudkan TRISAKTI sebagai Pedoman Amanat Penderitaan Rakyat Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Society Studia Islamika

Zuly Qodir

Magister Ilmu Pemerintahan Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Author-ID : 353032

Religion Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Environmental Science Industrial & Manufacturing Engineering Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Public Health Social Sciences Other

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Transisi New Normal Akibat Pandemi Covid-19 Sebagai Refleksi Perbaikan Ekonomi Sosial Di Indonesia Tawakkal Baharuddin; Salahudin Salahudin; Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba
Journal of Government and Politics (JGOP) Vol 3, No 1 (2021): Juli
Publisher : UNIVERSITAS MUHAMMADIYAH MATARAM

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31764/jgop.v3i1.5351

Tujuan penelitian ini sebagai respon terhadap situasi pandemi COVID-19 dan munculnya isu-isu penerapan new normal di Indonesia. New normal sebagai upaya merehabilitasi sebuah wilayah atau daerah yang sedang mengalami situasi pandemi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan alat analisis menggunakan Nvivo 12 Plus dan Google Trend. Hasil studi ini menjelaskan bahwa, new normal merupakan proyeksi terhadap perbaikan ekonomi secara nasional selama periode COVID-19. Upaya diberlakukannya new normal sebagai kontribusi perbaikan pada aspek ekonomi nasional, sosial, politik dan pemanfaatan teknologi. Adapun dalam penerapannya juga diperlukan beberapa kajian dari pemerintah untuk mengukur dan mengetahui standar kesiapan wilayah-wilayah yang masih masuk dalam kategori rentan. Selain itu, juga diperlukan partisipasi aktif pemerintah dan masyarakat secara bersama di dalam fase transisi new normal tersebut. Dalam periode transisi, penerapan new normal juga perlu memperhatikan norma-norma sosial yang berlaku di masyarakat. Hal ini berimplikasi pada partisipasi masyarakat yang secara bertahap dapat belajar dan beradaptasi melalui interaksi sosial tentang keseimbangan dan fase-fase yang baru di dalam komunitas sosial.

Contesting Ethnic and Religious Identities in the 2019 Indonesian Elections: Political Polarization in West Kalimantan Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati
Studia Islamika Vol 29, No 1 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i1.12940

During Indonesia’s 2019 presidential election, significant religious and ethnic contestations occurred using hatred and stigma in expressing support for favored candidates. This article focuses on the case of West Kalimantan Province which has a divided society and memories of ethnic-based bloody communal violence in the early 2000s. This article notifies that wherein ethnic Dayak, Javanese, and Chinese voters tended to support Joko Widodo (Jokowi)-Ma’ruf Amin, while ethnic Malay, Madurese, and Buginese voters tended to back Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno up in the election. However, such ethnic and religious contestations in West Kalimantan did not generate violent conflicts during the election. Instead, voters continued to interact peacefully and harmoniously among different ethnic and religious groups. This contestation coincided with the emergence of political awareness among the Dayaks, Chinese, and Malays of West Kalimantan, which further contributed to Jokowi’s electoral victory. Nevertheless, this political contestation produced the political identity.

The Formalization of Sharia in Aceh to Discipline the Female Body Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mega Hidayati; Dyah Mutiarin
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 60, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90

The formalization of sharia (particularly regional regulations on sharia in Aceh) since 2001 up to 2019 had incorporated economic and political contents between local and national elites. Such condition was a result of local and national elite interests gaining political advantages wherein sharia was utilized as a tool by the elites to dominate civilians. Due to political interests, civilians became marginalized by sharia. The current article demonstrates that local and national political elites had used sharia for their political interests without considering the substantial purpose of sharia itself. Women, in particular, are disadvantaged by the various regulations (qanun) issued by wilayatul khisbah as the guardians of sharia in Aceh. The article also aims to show existing contradictions between the ideal aspirations of wilayatul khisbah and the actual practice of regional regulations pertaining to sharia on the ground, namely the involvement of political elites in advocating sharia, which has not made people become more religious but provoked them to resist in secret instead. Data in the article were acquired through literature study, field observations, and in-depth interviews with a number of informants[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun) sejak 2001 telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara elit lokal dan nasional. Situasi tersebut menyebabkan kepentingan elit lokal dan nasional berebut keuntungan politis sebagai alat mendominasi warganya, sehingga menyebabkan kepentingan warga termarjinalisasi. Artikel ini membahas elit lokal dan nasional yang memanfaatkan syariat Islam untuk kepentingannya sendiri tanpa mempertimbangkan tujuan utamanya. Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariat Islam (wilayatul khisbah). Artikel ini juga memperlihatkan kontradiksi antara aspirasi ideal dan praktik di lapangan lembaga wilayatul khisbah yang mana keterlibatan elit politik dalam advokasi syariat Islam tidak mendorong lebih religius tetapi justru mendorong warga melawan diam-diam. Data artikel ini didapatkan dari studi literatur, observasi lapangan dan wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah informan.]

Muhammadiyah Memperkuat Moderasi Islam Memutus Radikalisme Zuly Qodir
MAARIF Vol 14 No 2 (2019): Memperkuat Kembali Moderatisme Muhammadiyah: Konsepsi, Interpretasi, Strategi da
Publisher : MAARIF Institute

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47651/mrf.v14i2.58

Tulisan ini menjelaskan bahwa Muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi sosial keagamaan, tetap berijtihad untuk menyemaikan gagasan Moderasi Islam di Indonesia. Ijtihad ini memiliki konsekuensi logis Muhammadiyah tidak akan berada pada posisi liberal atau ultra liberal maupun fasisme kiri yang juga ada komunisme di sana. Muhammadiyah mendorong moderasi dalam berislam karena Indonesia memiliki kultur Islam yang tidak sama dengan Islam di Timur Tengah. Islam Indonesia lebih berkarakteristik washatiyah-tengahan, tidak ke kanan atau pun ke kiri. Dalam memperjuangkan gagasan Islam Moderat ini, Muhammadiyah mengembangkan pelbagai aktivitas yang dikenal sebagai amal usaha dalam bidang pendidikan, rumah sakit, panti asuhan dan belakangan pemberdayaan kaum mustadhafin. Gagasan ini, sekalipun tidak serta merta mengatakan Kami Indonesia, Kami Pancasila dan NKRI Harga Mati, buat Muhammadiyah keindonesiaan harus terus dijaga dan tidak boleh dirobohkan oleh kelompok manapun sebab negara ini merupakan negara kesepakatan banyak elemen bangsa yang telah bersusah payah merebutnya dari kolonialisme-penjajahan.

GERAKAN SOSIAL BARU INDONESIA: STUDI GERAKAN GEJAYAN MEMANGGIL 2019 Sanny Nofrima; Zuly Qodir
Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif Vol 16, No 1 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/jsr.v16i1.2163

The Gejayan Calling Movement 2019 becomes an interesting phenomenon of the development of new student social movements in Indonesia. Using social media platforms (#tranding topics) as a means of mass mobilization, this action succeeded in managed around 15,000 protesters. This article aims to elaborate the 2019 Gejayan Menanggil Movement in more detail, covering the background of the action, the means of mass mobilization, the consolidation process, and the issues raised. The research method uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through virtual observations on social media, data searches on the Drone Emprit website, and in-depth interviews with members of HMI DIPO, HMI MPO, IMM, GMNI, and ARB (Aliansi Rakyat Bergerak). The collected data were analyzed using NVivo Plus software. The results show that the Gejayan Calling Movement has become the starting point for changes in social movements in Indonesia, where the foundations built are no longer based on material resistance, but are more based on issues of humanity, injustice, politics, the environment and women. Therefore, the ideology of the movements has also changed from a class resistance to an identity resistance.Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil 2019 menjadi salah satu fenomena menarik dari perkembangan gerakan sosial baru mahasiswa di Indonesia. Melalui platform media sosial (tranding topic) sebagai alat mobilisasi massa, aksi ini telah melibatkan 15.000 (lima belas ribu) demonstran. Artikel ini bermaksud untuk mengelaborasi Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil 2019 secara lebih mendalam, meliputi latar belakang aksi, sarana mobilisasi massa, proses konsolidasi, dan isu yang diangkat. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi virtual di sosial media, penelusuran data di situs internet Drone Emprit, dan wawancara mendalam terhadap anggota HMI DIPO, HMI MPO, IMM, GMNI, dan ARB (Aliansi Rakyat Bergerak). Data yang terkumpul dianalisis dengan menggunakan software NVivo Plus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil ini telah menjadi titik tolak perubahan gerakan sosial di Indonesia, dimana pondasi yang dibangun tidak lagi berbasis pada perlawanan yang bersifat material, tetapi lebih berbasiskan pada isu-isu kemanusiaan, ketidakadilan, politik, lingkungan dan perempuan. Oleh sebab itu, ideologi yang berkembang berubah dari hal yang bersifat perlawanan kelas menjadi perlawanan identitas.

Bibliometric Analysis and Visualization Harm Reduction in Indonesia Indexed in Scopus Yeyen Subandi; Achmad Nurmandi; Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Titin Purwaningsih; Tri Hastuti Nur Rochima
East Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Vol. 1 No. 7 (2022): August 2022
Publisher : PT FORMOSA CENDEKIA GLOBAL

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55927/eajmr.v1i7.1060

Harm Reduction is a program to reduce the harm of narcotics for injecting drug users. The Harm Reduction (HR) program in Indonesia was initiated in 1999 with assistance and financial support from international donor agencies that lead to policy or program implementation. 9 components of Harm Reduction are still being implemented in Indonesia. The current study was conducted to analyze the bibliometric characteristics and trends of articles on Harm Reduction in Indonesia. This study uses VOSviewer affiliate analysis to visualize and analyze trends in the form of bibliometric maps. VOSviewer can also create publication maps, country maps, or journal maps based on shared citation networks or create keyword maps based on their networks. All data is taken from the Scopus database. Articles from 1999 to 2021 in 41 journals indexed by Scopus with a total of 67 documents. Research on Harm Reduction in Indonesia in the last five years has only one significant increase, namely in 2019 with 10 article documents.Harm Reduction is a program to reduce the harm of narcotics for injecting drug users. The Harm Reduction (HR) program in Indonesia was initiated in 1999 with assistance and financial support from international donor agencies that lead to policy or program implementation. 9 components of Harm Reduction are still being implemented in Indonesia. The current study was conducted to analyze the bibliometric characteristics and trends of articles on Harm Reduction in Indonesia. This study uses VOSviewer affiliate analysis to visualize and analyze trends in the form of bibliometric maps. VOSviewer can also create publication maps, country maps, or journal maps based on shared citation networks or create keyword maps based on their networks. All data is taken from the Scopus database. Articles from 1999 to 2021 in 41 journals indexed by Scopus with a total of 67 documents. Research on Harm Reduction in Indonesia in the last five years has only one significant increase, namely in 2019 with 10 article documents.

Muhammadiyah’s Response to Covid-19 in Indonesia: Faith-Based Commitment Zuly Qodir; Hasse Jubba; Mohammad Jafar Loilatu
Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya Vol 7, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : the Faculty of Ushuluddin, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/jw.v7i1.13756

As one of the most prominent Islamic organisations in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah has, since its establishment, contributed substantially to resolving various issues confronted by the Indonesian government and society. The emergence of the COVID-19 Pandemic is also a concern to Muhammadiyah. It may contribute to assisting the government’s efforts and relieving some of the burden bore by the people. The current article aims to provide an analysis of Muhammadiyah’s movement in Indonesia and its handling of the COVID-19 Pandemic by using a faith-based commitment approach in the da’wah Muhammadiyah on Education, health, and caring poverty in the jargon da’wah Amar ma’ruf nahi munkar/effort and supporting virtues and stopping the damaging. Through this approach, it is found that Muhammadiyah has contributed significantly in various fields, particularly health, necessities, education, and preventive measures, regardless of one’s background of religion, ethnicity, and political affiliation. All the assistance that Muhammadiyah had given was based on a faith-based commitment that Muhammadiyah is a socio-religious organisation that has decided to take the path of socio-humanitarian da’wah as stipulated by Muhammadiyah’s founding mandate. The data from Muhammadiyah COVID-19 Command Centre, Indonesian Governance and the Media from March 13, 2020, to January 2021 analysis with in Faith Base Organisation Perspective.

Women Issues and the Problem of Sharia Formalization in Aceh: Disciplining the Female Body and the Contested Public Sphere Zuly Qodir
Asy-Syir'ah: Jurnal Ilmu Syari'ah dan Hukum Vol 56, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : Faculty of Sharia and Law - Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajish.2022.56.1.%p

Abstract: Aceh, with its privileges, has the right to implement Islamic law in the public sphere. Islamic law has become one of the political agendas of local elites and conservative ulama to control women's bodies. This article examines the relationship between women, religion and politics in Aceh and analyzes the relationship between religious-based political interests as a basis for legitimacy for women in the public sphere. The data in this article are based on observations, interviews and documentation as primary data and scientific works as secondary data. Using a political sociology approach and by utilizing the theory of women's body discipline proposed by Michel Faucault, it is concluded that the political interests of conservative groups prevent women from getting their full rights to articulate their political interests in the public sphere. Women occupy a marginal position because of the conservative textual interpretation of religious values. Women are marginalized by prioritizing women's body politics which is considered aurat, so that their involvement in the public sphere is not maximally required. Meanwhile, progressives are trying to fight for women in the public sphere because religion provides opportunities for women's participation. Women do not experience religious discrimination in politics. This is where the contestation takes place between conservatives and progressive groups over the implementation of Islamic law in Aceh.Abstrak: Aceh, with its privileges, has the right to implement Islamic law in the public sphere. Islamic law has become one of the political agendas of local elites and conservative ulama to control women's bodies. This article examines the relationship between women, religion and politics in Aceh and analyzes the relationship between religious-based political interests as a basis for legitimacy for women in the public sphere. The data in this article are based on observations, interviews and documentation as primary data and scientific works as secondary data. Using a political sociology approach and by utilizing the theory of women's body discipline proposed by Michel Faucault, it is concluded that the political interests of conservative groups prevent women from getting their full rights to articulate their political interests in the public sphere. Women occupy a marginal position because of the conservative textual interpretation of religious values. Women are marginalized by prioritizing women's body politics which is considered aurat, so that their involvement in the public sphere is not maximally required. Meanwhile, progressives are trying to fight for women in the public sphere because religion provides opportunities for women's participation. Women do not experience religious discrimination in politics. This is where the contestation takes place between conservatives and progressive groups over the implementation of Islamic law in Aceh.

The #dirumahaja as a People Movement on Twitter Zuly Qodir; Vindhi Putri Pratiwi; Mega Hidayati; Hasse Jubba
Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI Vol. 19 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : FISIP Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24002/jik.v19i2, Desember.4009

The central and local governments must continue synergizing to reduce the spread of Covid-19. Policies that the Indonesian government implemented are social distancing and self-quarantine. The #dirumahaja movement emerged on various social media platforms, including Twitter. This paper analyzes the use of Twiter as a platform for #dirumahaja movement, to understands people’s attitude in dealing with Covid-19. The findings show that becomes a public space. Through hashtags on Twitter, the public communicate and support government policies related to social distancing and self-quarantine.

PERTENTANGAN DAN PERGUMULAN SYI’AH DI INDONESIA DALAM TRAGEDI SAMPANG Zuly Qodir
JRP (Jurnal Review Politik) Vol. 3 No. 1 (2013): June
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Studies on Shiites in Indonesia has become a serious problem related to the political issues. The existence of Shiite treated less sympathetically by other Islamic groups. This paper was based on a literature review and as well as the opinions expressed by the Indonesian Muslim leaders associated with the Shiites in Indonesia, particularly in Sampang, Madura. The approach in this paper was a political sociology, not theological. The focus of this study, first, explores the difference between Shiite and Sunni Muslims; second, to understand the cause of conflict between Shiite and Sunni Muslims. The findings of this study confirms, there was a difference between Sunnis and Shiites in some aspects. But it must be stressed, the cause of the conflict between Shiites and Sunnis not a theological issue, but a political problem. however, political issues were brought to the theological issues that cause conflicts and clashes such as the case of Sampang.

Co-Authors AA Sudharmawan, AA Abdul Kahar Achmad Nurmandi Afisa, Afisa Ahmad Nur Bakhtiar, Ahmad Nur Ahmad Sunawari Long Ali Noer Zaman Alkaf, M Andi Luhur Prianto Aqmal Reza Amri Arissy Jorgi Sutan Asriadi Asriadi Aulia, Assyiffah Azhar, Muh Azhar, Muhammad Barisan Barisan, Barisan Bilveer Singh Cipto, Bambang Darus, Muhammad Rifai Denny Ardiansyah Pribadi Djoni Gunanto Dwi Santoso Ali Basyah Dyah Mutiarin Dzinnun, Yusriah Fadli Razzak Fathani, Aqil Teguh Habibullah, Akhmad Haedar Nashir Hakimul Ikhwan Halifa Haqqi Hariyanto, Muhsin Hasse Juba Hasti, Iyomi Hefner, Robert William Herpita Wahyuni Hidayati, Mega HOEDODO, TONNY SB Huda, Sholihul I Gusti Ngurah Antaryama Ida Ayu Putu Sri Widnyani Ilik, Goran Iman Amanda Permatasari Indra Lesang, Indra Irfandi Pratama Irwan Abdullah Irwan Abdullah Irwan Irwan Joko Surjo, Joko Jubba, Hasse Krismono Krismono Laosa, Rival Loilatu, Mohammad Jafar Long, Ahmad Sunawari M Nastain M. Rafi M. Syamsurrijal M. Thohar Al-Abza M. Yusuf Masdiyan Putri, Masdiyan Mega Hidayati, Mega Misran Alfarabi Misran Misran Muhamad Nastain Murod, Ma'mun Mustaqim Pabbajah Nafik Muthohirin Nambassa, Gloria Nastain, M Nastain, Muhamad Nofrima, Sanny Nurhayati Nurhayati Prastya, Danang Eko Prayudisti Shinta Pandanwangi Purwaningsih, Titin Robert W. Hefner Robert W. Hefner Ruhullah, Mohammad Eisa Sahrul Pora Saifuddin Zuhri Qudsy Satria, Teguh Singh, Bilveer Sjafri Sairin Sjafri Sairin Solly Aryza Subandi, Yeyen Sugiharto, Unggul Sundari, Cici Sunyoto Usman Surwandono Surwandono Surya Sukti, Surya Syahbuddin Latief, Syahbuddin Syamsul Bahri Abd. Rasyid Tawakkal Baharuddin Tawakkal Baharuddin Tawakkal Baharuddin, Tawakkal Tri Hastuti Nur Rochima Tulus Warsito, Tulus Umar Werfete Vindhi Putri Pratiwi W. Hefner, Robert Wahdania Suardi Wahyuni, Herpita

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