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Radical Islamism as a Mode of Production Masdar Hilmy
Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 9 No. 1 (2019): June
Publisher : Department of Aqidah and Islamic Philosophy, Faculty of Ushuluddin and Philosophy, Sunan Ampel State Islamic University Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (506.09 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.1.81-108

Abstract

This article attempts to provide a breakthrough which I call mode of production theory. This theory will be employed to analyze the contemporary phenomenon of radical Islamism. The mode of production theory is meant to bridge the two clashing theoretical paradigms in social sciences and humanities, i.e., Weberian and Marxian. Despite its bridging nature, the paper argues that the two cannot be merged within one single thread. This is because each paradigm has its own epistemological basis which is irreconcilable to one another. Mostly adapted from Marx’s theory, the current theory of the mode of production covers five interrelated aspects, namely social, political, economic, cultural, and symbolic structures. If Marx’s mode of production theory heavily relies on a material and economic basis, the theory used in this paper accommodates cultural and symbolic structures that are Weberian in nature. Although the two paradigms can operate together, the strength of structure (Marxian) overpowers the strength of culture (Weberian). This paper further argues that such cultural-based aspects as ideology, norms, and values play as mobilizing factors under a big schematic dominant structure in the rise and development of the radical Islamist groups.
Akar-akar Transnasionalisme Islam Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) Masdar Hilmy
Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 6 No. 1 (2011): September
Publisher : Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (94.393 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2011.6.1.1-13

Abstract

This paper tries to trace and analyze the roots of?Islamic transnationalism? or ?transnational Islam? in Indonesia through the lens of the three theoretical frameworks that I borrowed from Mandaville as follows: (1) travelling theory; (2) hibridity theory, and; (3) diasphora theory. The paper focuses its analysis on an Islamic movement who carries the ideology of ?Islamic transnationalism? (khil? fah Isl?miyah), namely Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Before delving into the details of HTI?s ideological roots of transnational Islam, however, a conceptual definition of ?transnational Islam? will be elucidated in advance.
Permasalahan dan Upaya Pengembangan Kajian Islam Multidisipliner di Pascasarjana Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Ampel Surabaya Khoirun Niam; Masdar Hilmy
Islamica: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol. 14 No. 1 (2019): September
Publisher : Postgraduate Studies of Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2019.14.1.25-53

Abstract

The transformation of IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya to UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya has an impact on changing the epistemology of science. The choice of twin towers as the paradigm needs to be translated to various levels of academic practice, so that the persons of academic community in UIN Sunan Ampel can understand and implement the paradigm. The studies in UIN Sunan Ampel also must be oriented to the paradigm. One of them is in Postgraduate Program, which seeks to develop inter, multi and trans-disciplinary Islamic studies at the level of PhD program. This study found that (1) most of the Stakeholders Postgraduate Program of UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya have good understanding of inter and multidisciplinary Islamic studies; (2) the problems in implementing the inter and multidisciplinary Islamic studies are in four aspects: aspects of students, aspects of lecturers, aspects of curriculum, and aspects of carrying capacity and policies.
The Anatomy Of Radical Islamism In Contemporary Indonesia: Towards A More Workable Deradicalization Project Masdar Hilmy; Alimuddin .
Asia-Pacific Journal on Religion and Society Vol 3, No 2 (2019): APJRS
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This article seeks to provide a general overview of the picture of radical Islamism in contemporary Indonesia and relates it with the a more workable deradicalization project. The wrong measures taken by the authority in countering radicalism is due mainly to the fact that most of them understood the complex reality of radical Islamism from single monolithic approach wrong. The anatomy of radical Islamism forms two major parts; flesh-and-blood (soft-ware or ideology of radicalism as the spirit) and skeleton (as the hard-ware of radicalism). Based on such an anatomy, the deradicalization must be carried out in two major ways; soft approach and hard-approach. The soft approach of deradicalization must address two things as follows; 1). Mainstreaming religious moderation and; 2). Creating structural equilibrium in Muslims’ life.
The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura Masdar Hilmy
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.27-51

Abstract

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data].
The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia Masdar Hilmy
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.129-158

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.]
ISLAMIC EDUCATION IN A MINORITY SETTING Muhammad Fahmi; M Ridlwan Nasir; Masdar Hilmy
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Tulungagung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.345-364

Abstract

This study documents how multicultural education is constructed and implemented in a local pesantren in Tabanan, Bali, Indonesia, namely PBBI (Pesantren Bali Bina Insani). It demonstrates that the multicultural education in this pesantren is based upon the reality of religious, cultural, ethnic, group, and gender diversity that exists surrounding the pesantren. Teaching and administrative staff of this pesantren consist of Muslims and Hindus. Students come from the different socio-cultural backgrounds. Inclusive and tolerance values are incorporated into the curriculum of the pesantren. Multicultural education in this pesantren has become a strategic instrument for adaptation to the Hindu environment where it is located. The pesantren teaches students how to implement Islamic teaching on pluralism and inclusivism in their daily activities.
KONSTRUK TEOLOGIS ISLAMISME RADIKAL DI INDONESIA PASCA-ORDE BARU Masdar Hilmy
MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Vol 32, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : State Islamic University North Sumatra

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30821/miqot.v32i1.155

Abstract

Abstract: Theological Construct of Islamic Radicalism in Post New Order Indonesia. This article seeks to investigate the theological foundation of radical Islamism in post-New Order Indonesia. It basically argues that an attempt at delineating the nomenclature of Islamism from its pejorative connotation becomes imperative in order not to lump such words as pure salafis with salafi jihadist. In addition, the venture of all types of radical Islamism begins with the creed that the establishment of Islamic realm on earth based on the Qur’an and Hadith is a holy duty and regarded as compulsory upon every adult Muslim male. As such, the article analyses 1) the account of belief system of radical Islamism, 2) the transformation process of violence into a sacred creed, and 3) the centrality of such doctrines as jihad and istisyhâd (martyrdom). Kata Kunci: Islamism, radikal, jihad, istisyhâd
QUO-VADIS ISLAM MODERAT INDONESIA? Menimbang Kembali Modernisme Nahdlatul Ulama dan Muhammadiyah Masdar Hilmy
MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Vol 36, No 2 (2012)
Publisher : State Islamic University North Sumatra

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30821/miqot.v36i2.127

Abstract

Abstrak: Tulisan ini hendak membongkar mitos Islam moderat Indonesia melalui pengamatan terhadap dua organisasi keagamaan yang selama ini dikenal sebagai “juara” Islam moderat yaitu Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Pertanyaan yang mengemuka adalah, pertama, apakah benar bahwa pandangan-pandangan keagamaan kedua organisasi ini moderat; kedua, apakah ada Islam moderat yang khas Indonesia, dan ketiga, bagaimana—setelah membongkar mitos—membangun sebuah cetak-biru Islam Indonesia yang aplikatif dan adaptif. Dalam tulisan ini ditemukan bahwa teologi moderat kedua organisasi ini tidak cukup lagi untuk mengakomodasi tantangan era modern. Sekalipun pencapaian kedua organisasi ini patut diapresiasi sebagai pelopor dalam merumuskan Islam moderat di Indonesia yang visible secara rinci, mereka perlu membangun argumen yang lebih mapan untuk visi moderat “dari dalam.”Abstract: Quo-vadis Moderate Islam Indonesia? Reconsidering the NU and Muhammadiyah Modernism. This paper tries to unravel the “myth” of Indonesia’s moderate Islam by analyzing two mainstream religious organizations which have long enjoyed their reputation as the champion of moderate Islam: Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. The questions put forward are: first, whether the religious worldviews of the two organizations are moderate in nature; second, whether there is such thing as typically Indonesian moderate Islam; and third, how to construct a viable and workable blue-print of Indonesia’s moderate Islam. This paper reveals that the moderate theology of both organizations is no longer sufficient in accommodating the challenges of this modern era. Although the achievement of both organizations deserve appreciation as a pioneering attempt at making a more detailed but visible formulation of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia, they need to construct a more established argument for moderate vision “from within.”Kata Kunci: modernisme Islam, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah
RADIKALISME AGAMA DAN POLITIK DEMOKRASI DI INDONESIA PASCA-ORDE BARU Masdar Hilmy
MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Vol 39, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : State Islamic University North Sumatra

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30821/miqot.v39i2.33

Abstract

Abstrak: Artikel ini menganalisis kemunculan radikalisme Islam di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru dalam kaitannya dengan politik demokrasi serta implikasinya terhadap kebijakan negara atas radikalisme. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan politik-hukum, artikel ini berargumen bahwa kelompok radikal harus diperlakukan secara hati-hati dalam kerangka prinsip-prinsip demokrasi karena demokrasi harus menggaransi kebebasan berpendapat untuk semua. Dalam konteks ini, keberadaan radikalisme Islam tidak bisa dikekang atas alasan ideologis yang diwujudkan dalam bentuk kebijakan negara yang represif-antagonistik atas kelompok radikal. Kebijakan semacam ini dapat membawa pendulum ke arah kontra produktif bagi demokrasi itu sendiri karena kelompok radikal justru dapat memanfaatkan momentum tersebut untuk mengon- solidasikan dan mendiseminasikan ideologi radikalisme di kalangan masyarakat luas. Artikel ini merekomendasikan Undang-undang(UU) baru dan/atau addendum baru dalam rangka mengisi ruang kosong yang tidak disentuh oleh kedua UU tentang pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Terorisme sebelumnya.Abstract: Religious Radicalism and the Politics of Democracy in Post New-Order Indonesia.This paper attempts at scrutinizing the emergence of Islamic radicalism in the post-New Order Indonesia and its mutual relationship with democratic politics as well as its implications to the state policy towards radicalism. This paper argues that the radical groups must be treated with deserve care in the framework of democratic principles on the ground that democracy must guarantee the idea of freedom of expression for all. In this context, the existence of Islamic radicalism cannot be curbed on an ideological basis manifested through an antagonist state policy towards radical groups. Such a policy, nevertheless, can swing the pendulum to a less productive to democracy itself. It may result in the consolidation and dissemination of radical ideology among the Muslim society within the framework of democracy. This paper recommends that a new act be necessary in order to fill the legal gap left by the two Acts on the counterterrorism policy.Keywords: radikalisme Islam, demokrasi, Pancasila, UUD 1945