Articles
<![CDATA[QUO-VADIS ISLAM MODERAT INDONESIA? Menimbang Kembali Modernisme Nahdlatul Ulama dan Muhammadiyah ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Vol 36, No 2 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University North Sumatra ]]>
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DOI: 10.30821/miqot.v36i2.127
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Tulisan ini hendak membongkar mitos Islam moderat Indonesia melalui pengamatan terhadap dua organisasi keagamaan yang selama ini dikenal sebagai “juara” Islam moderat yaitu Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Pertanyaan yang mengemuka adalah, pertama, apakah benar bahwa pandangan-pandangan keagamaan kedua organisasi ini moderat; kedua, apakah ada Islam moderat yang khas Indonesia, dan ketiga, bagaimana—setelah membongkar mitos—membangun sebuah cetak-biru Islam Indonesia yang aplikatif dan adaptif. Dalam tulisan ini ditemukan bahwa teologi moderat kedua organisasi ini tidak cukup lagi untuk mengakomodasi tantangan era modern. Sekalipun pencapaian kedua organisasi ini patut diapresiasi sebagai pelopor dalam merumuskan Islam moderat di Indonesia yang visible secara rinci, mereka perlu membangun argumen yang lebih mapan untuk visi moderat “dari dalam.”Abstract: Quo-vadis Moderate Islam Indonesia? Reconsidering the NU and Muhammadiyah Modernism. This paper tries to unravel the “myth” of Indonesia’s moderate Islam by analyzing two mainstream religious organizations which have long enjoyed their reputation as the champion of moderate Islam: Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. The questions put forward are: first, whether the religious worldviews of the two organizations are moderate in nature; second, whether there is such thing as typically Indonesian moderate Islam; and third, how to construct a viable and workable blue-print of Indonesia’s moderate Islam. This paper reveals that the moderate theology of both organizations is no longer sufficient in accommodating the challenges of this modern era. Although the achievement of both organizations deserve appreciation as a pioneering attempt at making a more detailed but visible formulation of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia, they need to construct a more established argument for moderate vision “from within.”Kata Kunci: modernisme Islam, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah]]>
<![CDATA[RADIKALISME AGAMA DAN POLITIK DEMOKRASI DI INDONESIA PASCA-ORDE BARU ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Vol 39, No 2 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University North Sumatra ]]>
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DOI: 10.30821/miqot.v39i2.33
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Artikel ini menganalisis kemunculan radikalisme Islam di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru dalam kaitannya dengan politik demokrasi serta implikasinya terhadap kebijakan negara atas radikalisme. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan politik-hukum, artikel ini berargumen bahwa kelompok radikal harus diperlakukan secara hati-hati dalam kerangka prinsip-prinsip demokrasi karena demokrasi harus menggaransi kebebasan berpendapat untuk semua. Dalam konteks ini, keberadaan radikalisme Islam tidak bisa dikekang atas alasan ideologis yang diwujudkan dalam bentuk kebijakan negara yang represif-antagonistik atas kelompok radikal. Kebijakan semacam ini dapat membawa pendulum ke arah kontra produktif bagi demokrasi itu sendiri karena kelompok radikal justru dapat memanfaatkan momentum tersebut untuk mengon- solidasikan dan mendiseminasikan ideologi radikalisme di kalangan masyarakat luas. Artikel ini merekomendasikan Undang-undang(UU) baru dan/atau addendum baru dalam rangka mengisi ruang kosong yang tidak disentuh oleh kedua UU tentang pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Terorisme sebelumnya.Abstract: Religious Radicalism and the Politics of Democracy in Post New-Order Indonesia.This paper attempts at scrutinizing the emergence of Islamic radicalism in the post-New Order Indonesia and its mutual relationship with democratic politics as well as its implications to the state policy towards radicalism. This paper argues that the radical groups must be treated with deserve care in the framework of democratic principles on the ground that democracy must guarantee the idea of freedom of expression for all. In this context, the existence of Islamic radicalism cannot be curbed on an ideological basis manifested through an antagonist state policy towards radical groups. Such a policy, nevertheless, can swing the pendulum to a less productive to democracy itself. It may result in the consolidation and dissemination of radical ideology among the Muslim society within the framework of democracy. This paper recommends that a new act be necessary in order to fill the legal gap left by the two Acts on the counterterrorism policy.Keywords: radikalisme Islam, demokrasi, Pancasila, UUD 1945]]>
<![CDATA[Kepemimpinan Modern Berbasis Karakter Pesantren ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam (Journal of Islamic Education Studies) Vol. 7 No. 2 (2019): December 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jpai.2019.7.2.89-109
<![CDATA[This article discusses the relevance and reevaluation of pesantren character education to the needs of character values in modern society. This article uses a descriptive qualitative analysis of the object of discussion by utilizing reference sources on related themes. This article argues that the values on pesantren education is a prototype of character education that is still relevant to the needs of the community and, hence, can be adopted for the national leadership regeneration. The survival and the existence of salaf and khalaf pesantren that are still needed by the community indicates the relevance of pesantren-style character education. However, this article also gives a thick note that pesantren character education does not guarantee the objectivation process and the implementation of character values by its alumni in real life in society. This simply because the relationship between character education in pesantren and the objectivation and implementation of character values by pesantren alumni in the community is not a linear, verbatim and axiomatic relationship. Therefore, this article also offers a solution so that the education of character values in pesantren must proceed side by side with the capacitation process of internal defense mechanisms and external supervision among santri.]]>
<![CDATA[The Politics of Multicultural Citizenship: Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Civil Religion Institutionalization in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ JICSA : Journal of Islamic Civilization in Southeast Asian Vol 5 No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/jicsa.v5i1a1
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes how the issue of multicultural citizenship and civil religion has been practiced and debated in Indonesia from political perspective. The writer argues that multicultural citizenship is closely associated with civil religion, in the sense that the latter is the way to objectify and strengthen the earlier. The problem is that the more civil religion is routinized and objectified in daily life, the less the sense of the sacred is. As soon as religion has widely been practiced by members of the society, it soon becomes secular, losing its religious sense since it entangles with local culture. Therefore, objectifying and mainstreaming civic religion must be accompanied by keeping its religious arguments in order to give the civil religion sense of the sacred. As a multicultural country, Indonesia has long acknowledged multicultural citizenship. Sociologically speaking, each Indonesian citizen can live side by side regardless his/her socio-religious background without any discrimination. Indonesian constitution (UUD 1945) clearly states that everyone is equal before the law. Nevertheless, Indonesia’s multicultural citizenship soon becomes at stake, especially when political and economic factors interfere into the public sphere. ]]>
<![CDATA[Partai Keadilan Sejahtera: A Mawdudian-Meliorist Vision of Islamism in Post-New Order Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Studia Islamika Vol 14, No 1 (2007): Studia Islamika ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v14i1.555
<![CDATA[This article seeks to analyze how one group, that is, the Justice and Welfare Party (PKS), is attempting to clean up politics from within the political party system. This article argues that the existence of PKS has given a new but unique political nuance to the political party system in post-New Order Indonesia. The seemingly sudden rise of PKS has taken many by surprise, and it is for this that the party has become the topic of much discourse amongst scholars of Indonesia.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v14i1.555]]>
<![CDATA[Dirāsat fī al-Islām al-Mahallī: Adwā’ ‘alā Inṣihār al-Islām fī al-Thaqāfah al-Jāwīyah ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Studia Islamika Vol 7, No 2 (2000): Studia Islamika ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v7i2.712
<![CDATA[This article attempts to explore a study of Islam in Java in the frame of the above conception -the dialogue tradition. The process of acculturation between Islam and Javanese culture, which developed in the dialogue tradition, is the central point of this article. Religious discourses embodied in Javanese texts, such as suluk and babad, written in the period of the establishment of Islam until the 19th century, are considered as the cultural representation of the fault line -despite the harmonious reconciliation- between Islam and Javanese tradition. In this context, changes in social and political affairs in Javanese courts, especially crucial changes in the 19th century following the colonialism, implanted the emergence of religious discourses embedded in the Javanese texts observed in this article.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v7i2.712]]>
<![CDATA[Pesantren and the preservation of traditional religious authority in the digital age ]]>
<![CDATA[Dodik Harnadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Hotman Siahaan]]>;
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 34 No. 3 (2021): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V34I32021.272-280
<![CDATA[Kiai is the Javanese term of ulama in the traditional Muslim community. It generally refers to a person who has a deep understanding of Islam and leads the institution of traditional Islamic education called pondok pesantren or Islamic boarding school. Indeed, the strength of a Kiai is based on his leadership at the pesantren that has functioned as a space for cultural-social reproduction. While the attention of many researchers focused on the shifting of Islamic authority in the digital age, not much of them paid special attention to the survival of Kiai’s authority. This study aims to examine the role of pesantren in preserving the authority of the Kiai in the digital age. This study employed qualitative method and utilized the cultural reproduction theory of Pierre Bourdieu. This study found that Kiai’s authority continues to survive because pesantren functioned as a space for transmitting cultural values, including the recognition of Kiai’s high position. As a social and cultural reproduction space, pesantren becomes a field that forms habitus through the transmission of its cultural values which is naturally formed in the daily practices of the santri.]]>
<![CDATA[Induktivisme sebagai Basis Pengembangan Ilmu Pengetahuan dalam Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Ulumuna Vol 17 No 1 (2013): Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.20414/ujis.v17i1.173
<![CDATA[This paper analyses how inductive paradigm has been misperceived and mistreated by Muslims, and discusses the extent to which the inductive paradigm and the deductive one has long been competing to one another throughout the development of science in Islam. This paper argues that the backwardness of Muslim civilization is due to the fact that the inductive paradigm has long been neglected and has been misperceived by Muslim scientists as a Western type entity which should be deconstructed and, therefore, should be put aside. This attitude stems from the Muslims’ attitude towards the Qur’an and Hadith as direct sources of modern science, scientific corpuses from which modern theories of sciences emanate. In order to achieve an advancement of science, Muslims do not have any choice other than treating the inductive paradigm properly as an epistemological as well as methodological apparatus in developing sciences either natural sciences, social humanities and religious as well as Islamic studies.]]>
<![CDATA[Nomenklatur Baru Pendidikan Islam di Era Industrialisasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ TSAQAFAH Vol 8, No 1 (2012): Islamic Education ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Darussalam Gontor ]]>
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DOI: 10.21111/tsaqafah.v8i1.14
<![CDATA[The coming of industrialization era is irreversible, albeit the rejection by some. Among Muslims, industrialization is responded differently; some welcome while some others reject uncritically the logics behind the industrialization process. Whether like ordislike, sooner or later, Muslims in the end must live by industrialization era. What the Muslims need in response to the coming of industrialization era is to formulate a workable blue-print with which Muslims feel comfortable as an epistemological foundation of the Muslim faith. Such a blue-print is expected to be able to cope with the ontological, epistemological and axiological problems created by existing industrialization process.Industrialization process, in my argument, should have not deprived the existential being of the Muslim society. The fact is that the industrialization projects result in the dehumanizing people. A proper industrialization must place people as the subject, not the object, of the entire process of industrialization. Far from an ambition to present a complete solution to the current crises faced by Muslims, the need to formulate a new blue-print of industrialization-based Islamic education will be elaborated by this paper.]]>
<![CDATA["Kuno" dan "Kini" dalam Pemikiran (Hukum) Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol. 1 No. 01 (2011): April 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Siyasah (Hukum Tata Negara) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/ad.2011.1.01.43-68
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Artikel ini berusaha membahas pergulatan eksistensial yang dialami oleh hampir setiap ummat beragama dalam mengidentifikasi apa yang diyakini sebagai sebuah “otentisitas†keberagamaan. Pergulatan ini biasanya berangkat dari proses mengenali yang “asaliâ€, sesuatu yang pertama kali muncul dan dianggap sebagai sebuah gambar ideal dalam perilaku keberagamaan. Namun proses pengenalan semacam ini menjadi sebuah dinamika yang tidak mudah, mengingat proses semacam ini selalu melibatkan dialektika relasi segitiga antara pembaca, obyek yang dibaca, dan konteks pembacaan yang selalu berubah. Selain itu, proses kognisi individual yang beraneka ragam semakin memperumit proses artikulasi keberagamaan yang ada.]]>
