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Polygamy Permit: Perspective of Mashlahah Mursalah on Wahbah Al-Zuhaili Thought Haekal, Mohammad Rifki; Hannase, Mulawarman
Journal Of Middle East and Islamic Studies Vol. 12, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Polygamy in Islamic tenets is a difficult thing to do. It is required to be able to act fairly in fulfilling all the rights of his wives. Meanwhile, polygamy, which is allowed by Islam, is also limited to a maximum of four wives at a time. Therefore, many countries then provide a regulation in the form of a polygamy permit to create mashlahah in society, especially in the household. The regulation states that a husband who wants to have polygamy must obtain permission from the Court. In the scientific treasures of fiqh, creating benefit is the goal of the existence of law. One form of legal istinbath method for producing the benefit is mashlahah mursalah. Imam Malik first introduced this method. However, many contemporary scholars at this time also contributed to their scientific contributions in discussing this method, one being Wahbah Al-Zuhaili. The author uses normative research, which emphasizes the source of library data (library research), passed through the stages of collecting data and information containing various library materials such as books, journals, articles, encyclopedias, and others. The research approach in data management used by the author is descriptive-analytical. That is, by explaining the problem's form in detail and then analyzing it deductively.
ANALISIS DINAMIKA POLITIK ISLAM DI ASIA TENGGARA: Studi Historis Komparatif Indonesia dan Malaysia Rozi, Ahmad Fahrur Rozi; Mulawarman Hannase
Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial Vol 8 No 2 (2025): November 2025
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam (STAI) Khozinatul Ulum Blora

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.61941/iklila.v8i2.445

Abstract

This paper discusses the dynamics of political Islam in the Southeast Asian region, particularly in Indonesia and Malaysia. Both countries have similar historical records of political Islam, but they appear to have moved in different directions after the arrival of colonialism and into the modern contemporary era. A comparative method was used as a research analysis method to find the similarities and differences between political Islam in the two countries. Moreover, a historical approach is used as a tool to examine the historical record of the dynamism of political Islam in both countries. Through this method and approach, the author finds three similarities: Indonesia and Malaysia both adhere to a hadārithe substance of Islamic values rather than the formalisation of Islam, and strive to create a civilised Muslim society (Madani Society and Islam Haḍāri). Meanwhile, the differences are the use of the word ‘Islam’ as a symbol in the state constitution and the involvement of the government and non-government actors in the Islam ic political movement. In Malaysia, Islamic politics is dominated by the government elite, while in Indonesia, it tends to be dominated by Islamic mass organizations.
The Sufism, Human Solidarity, and Social Emancipation in Caste-Based Societies in South Asia Sakti, Cahaya Mulyani; Muttaqin, Mohammad Izdiyan; Umer Dar, Mulawarman; Tahreem, Saadiya; Hannase, Mulawarman
Islam Realitas: Journal of Islamic and Social Studies Vol. 11 No. 2 (2025): December 2025
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sjech M. Djamil Djambek Bukittinggi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30983/islam_realitas.v11i2.9612

Abstract

This study critically examines how Sufism, as the esoteric dimension of Islam, functions—and is contested—as a form of emancipatory praxis fostering human solidarity within hierarchically structured societies in South Asia. Historically, Sufism has contributed to the formation of spiritual and social spaces that potentially transcend religious, ethnic, and caste boundaries. Within Hindu-influenced cultural contexts marked by inherited caste stratification, Sufi teachings articulate an alternative ethical paradigm grounded in tawḥīd, rearticulated as a theological critique of caste hierarchy, religious elitism, and social stratification, alongside principles of universal love (maḥabbah). Drawing on Paulo Freire’s theory of social emancipation and Asghar Ali Engineer’s Islamic liberation theology, this study employs a qualitative critical approach To analyze both the emancipatory potential and structural limitations of Sufism as a humanistic practice. The analysis focuses on Sufi shrines, devotional practices, and inter-communal interactions as sites in which equality and solidarity are negotiated within everyday social life. The findings suggest that while Sufi praxis can generate inclusive spaces and foster critical awareness among marginalized communities, its emancipatory capacity remains contingent upon broader power relations, socio-economic inequalities, and the institutionalization of spiritual authority. Studi ini secara kritis mengkaji bagaimana Sufisme, sebagai dimensi esoteris Islam, berfungsi—dan sekaligus diperdebatkan—sebagai suatu bentuk praksis emansipatoris yang menumbuhkan solidaritas kemanusiaan dalam masyarakat Asia Selatan yang terstruktur secara hierarkis. Secara historis, Sufisme telah berkontribusi pada pembentukan ruang-ruang spiritual dan sosial yang berpotensi melampaui batas-batas agama, etnis, dan kasta. Dalam konteks kebudayaan yang dipengaruhi oleh tradisi Hindu dan ditandai oleh stratifikasi kasta yang diwariskan, ajaran-ajaran Sufi merumuskan suatu paradigma etis alternatif yang berlandaskan pada tawḥīd, yang direartikulasi sebagai kritik teologis terhadap sistem kasta, elitisme keagamaan, dan hierarki sosial, serta didukung oleh prinsip cinta universal (maḥabbah). Dengan merujuk pada teori emansipasi sosial Paulo Freire dan teologi pembebasan Islam Asghar Ali Engineer, studi ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif-kritis untuk menganalisis baik potensi emansipatoris maupun keterbatasan struktural Sufisme sebagai praktik humanistik. Analisis difokuskan pada makam-makam suci Sufi, praktik-praktik devosional, dan interaksi antar-komunitas sebagai arena tempat nilai-nilai kesetaraan dan solidaritas dinegosiasikan dalam kehidupan sosial sehari-hari. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meskipun praksis Sufi mampu menciptakan ruang-ruang inklusif dan menumbuhkan kesadaran kritis di kalangan komunitas yang terpinggirkan, kapasitas emansipatorisnya tetap bergantung pada relasi kuasa yang lebih luas, ketimpangan sosial-ekonomi, serta proses institusionalisasi otoritas spiritual.
Impulse Buying Behavior from Monzer Kahf Perpsective Makarim, Dina Fornia; Nurwahidin, Nurwahidin; Hannase, Mulawarman
Jurnal Ilmiah Ekonomi Islam Vol. 10 No. 2 (2024): JIEI : Vol.10, No.2, 2024
Publisher : ITB AAS INDONESIA Surakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29040/jiei.v10i2.13386

Abstract

Impulse buying behavior is closely related to sudden purchases without careful consideration and ignoring alternatives or future implications that are influenced by the temptation to satisfy momentary emotions. It is also related to the use of wealth for wants rather than needs, while human desires are unlimited. This study aims to review the impulse buying behavior and its factors, furthermore, how Islamic consumption norms can lead to resolve the behavior, particularly from Monzer Kahf perspective. The analytical method in this research is literature study by presenting related datas and theories arranged systematically. The results of this study indicate that impulse buying behavior is in contrast to the concept of Islamic consumption norms, as has been explained in detail by one of the 20th century Islamic economists, Monzer Kahf.
SAUDI ARABIA AND TÜRKIYE ‘S POLICY TOWARDS HAMAS: BETWEEN PRAGMATISM AND REGIONAL GEO-POLITICAL BALANCE Hannase, Mulawarman; Rohman, Syaiful
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 11, No 1 (2026): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) January
Publisher : Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v11i1.66589

Abstract

This article analyzes the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye toward Hamas during the 2020–2025 period, marked by regional realignments, the Abraham Accords, and renewed escalation in Gaza. As a central non-state actor in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, Hamas has generated divergent responses among key Muslim-majority states. This study examines how ideological orientation, regime security concerns, and regional geopolitical calculations shape Saudi and Turkish policy choices. Employing a qualitative descriptive analytical approach and a desk study method, the research draws on official government statements, diplomatic documents, reports from international policy institutions, and peer-reviewed academic literature. The findings show that Saudi Arabia maintains political distance from Hamas due to its association with the Muslim Brotherhood, concerns over domestic and regional stability, and a preference for state-centric diplomacy through the Palestinian Authority as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. In contrast, Türkiye sustains political engagement with Hamas, reflecting ideological affinity with political Islam and an activist foreign policy aimed at advancing regional influence. Comparatively, this study argues that Saudi Arabia’s Hamas policy is primarily driven by regime-security pragmatism, whereas Türkiye’s approach reflects the ideological instrumentalization of the Palestinian issue, producing distinct foreign policy trajectories despite shared rhetorical support for Palestine. These findings highlight fragmentation among Muslim-majority states and demonstrate how the Palestinian issue has become an arena of regional ideological competition rather than policy convergence.
Small States and Geopolitical Challenges: The Example of Qatar (2020-2025) Rafika, Aliyah; Hannase, Mulawarman; Basyar, M. Hamdan
Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies Vol. 6 No. 4 (2026): Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies
Publisher : Green Publisher Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59188/eduvest.v6i4.53115

Abstract

Qatar is one example of a small country in the Arabian Peninsula with an area of 11,571 km², which has demonstrated global geopolitical influence far beyond its geographical boundaries. This research study will examine Qatar's complex geopolitical strategy, in the face of pressure from the dominant powers in the Middle East region, especially during the period 2020–2025. Using qualitative methods and case study approaches, this study adopts an analytical framework that integrates foreign policy theory of small states, hedging strategies, and soft power theory. The study analyzes how Qatar leverages its asymmetric strengths in the areas of energy resources, diplomacy, and media influence to project its proportionate role in regional and global affairs. This research produced three main findings, namely; First, Qatar has consistently applied an asymmetric multi-alignment approach , which allows it to maintain relationships with various conflicting and even conflicting actors simultaneously. Second, the country maximizes niche diplomacy through conflict mediation, sports diplomacy initiatives, and energy assets to build bargaining power that is disproportionate to its size. Third, hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup and its involvement in mediating the 2023–2024 Gaza conflict marks the culmination of Qatar's consolidation as an irreplaceable actor in the regional security architecture. Overall, this study enriches the theoretical discourse on the active role of small countries in the international order by presenting an empirical perspective from the Middle East context.
Sejarah Nasionalisme Arab: Revolusi Gamal Abdul Nasser dan Implikasinya pada Mesir Modern Purba, Safna Putri; Umar Lubis, Amany Burhanuddin; Hannase, Mulawarman; Muttaqin, Mohammad Izdiyan
POLITEA Vol 7, No 1 (2024): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam
Publisher : State Islamic Institute of Kudus (IAIN Kudus)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21043/politea.v7i1.24565

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dampak Nasionalisme Arab dalam sejarah Timur Tengah, dengan fokus khusus pada peran yang dimainkan oleh Gamal Abdul Nasser. Metode penelitian melibatkan analisis historis mendalam terhadap perkembangan Nasionalisme Arab di bawah kepemimpinan Nasser, dengan memeriksa pidato, kebijakan, dan tindakan kunci yang membentuk arah gerakan tersebut. Argumentasi utama penelitian ini mencakup kemampuan Nasionalisme Arab yang digagas oleh Nasser dalam memobilisasi dukungan dan memimpin revolusi di Mesir. Faktor-faktor kunci, seperti perjuangan melawan kolonialisme, advokasi keadilan sosial, dan upaya untuk membangun identitas kebangsaan yang bersatu, menjadi fokus analisis. Penelitian juga mengeksplorasi dampak Nasionalisme Arab pada tingkat regional, memperhatikan kontroversi dan perdebatan seputar sifat eksklusif gerakan ini. Dalam keseluruhan, penelitian ini mengusulkan bahwa Nasionalisme Arab di bawah kepemimpinan Nasser tidak hanya memainkan peran sebagai simbol sejarah, tetapi juga sebagai kekuatan transformasional yang membentuk identitas politik dan budaya di Timur Tengah. Hasil penelitian diharapkan dapat memberikan wawasan mendalam tentang warisan Nasionalisme Arab dan dampaknya terhadap dinamika politik dan sosial di kawasan tersebut, khususnya untuk Mesir.
Development of Halal Tourism as A Soft Power Instrument: A Comparative Study of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates in The Post-Vision 2030 Era Dwi Wahyu Khairunnisa; Mulawarman Hannase; Shobicatul Aminah
Journal Of Social Science (JoSS) Vol 5 No 6 (2026): Journal of Social Science
Publisher : Al-Makki Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.57185/eyhy1163

Abstract

This study examines the development of halal tourism as a soft power instrument in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in the post-Vision 2030 era. The background of this research is rooted in the rapid growth of the global Muslim-friendly travel market and the increasing use of tourism as a tool for nation branding, cultural diplomacy, and international influence. The purpose of this study is to compare how Saudi Arabia and the UAE utilize halal tourism to strengthen their global image and expand their soft power. This research employs a qualitative-comparative method using a multiple case study approach. Data were collected through document analysis of official policy reports, tourism strategies, global halal economy reports, and relevant academic literature. The findings show that Saudi Arabia builds its halal tourism strategy through sacred legitimacy as the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, supported by Vision 2030, pilgrimage service transformation, heritage tourism, and mega-event diplomacy. Meanwhile, the UAE develops halal tourism through cosmopolitan branding, luxury hospitality, advanced infrastructure, and Muslim-friendly services. The study concludes that halal tourism is not merely an economic sector but a strategic mechanism of soft power, with each country applying different models based on its identity, resources, and global positioning.
Perjuangan Kemerdekaan dan Transisi Politik di Negara-Negara Maghrib: Maroko, Aljazair, dan Tunisia Muhamad Syahrus Sobirin; Mohammad Izdiyan Muttaqin; Mulawarman Hannase; Nurwahidin Nurwahidin
Mondial: Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 1 (2026): Maret-Agustus 2026
Publisher : Universitas Al-azhar Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36722/mondial.v3i1.5308

Abstract

Perjuangan kemerdekaan dan transisi politik di kawasan Maghrib mencerminkan dinamika historis yang kompleks serta interaksi antara kolonialisme Eropa, mobilisasi nasionalis, dan rekonstruksi negara pascakolonial yang berlangsung dalam konteks sosial politik yang berbeda di Maroko, Aljazair, dan Tunisia. Kolonialisme Prancis dan Spanyol membentuk struktur politik yang tidak seragam, mulai dari protektorat di Maroko dan Tunisia hingga koloni pemukim di Aljazair, yang kemudian menentukan strategi perjuangan masing-masing negara. Maroko mengutamakan diplomasi yang dipimpin Sultan Mohammed V dan dukungan organisasi nasionalis, Tunisia memusatkan gerakan politik melalui Neo-Destour dengan orientasi negosiasi yang kuat, sementara Aljazair menempuh perang bersenjata panjang melalui FLN sebagai respons terhadap kolonialisme pemukim yang represif. Perbedaan karakter perjuangan tersebut menghasilkan bentuk transisi politik yang tidak seragam: Maroko bertransformasi menjadi monarki konstitusional dengan stabilitas relatif tinggi melalui sentralitas kekuasaan monarki; Aljazair mengembangkan sistem politik yang didominasi militer dan menghadapi konflik internal berkepanjangan hingga perang saudara; sedangkan Tunisia mengalami modernisasi institusional sejak awal kemerdekaan, kemudian memasuki fase reformasi demokratis setelah revolusi 2011 meskipun menghadapi tantangan serius dalam konsolidasi lembaga politik. Konstelasi politik kontemporer Maghrib memperlihatkan bahwa warisan kolonial, konfigurasi elite pascakemerdekaan, dan dinamika sosial domestik memiliki pengaruh kuat terhadap proses pembentukan negara, stabilitas kawasan, serta arah politik jangka panjang, sehingga pemahaman terhadap sejarah perjuangan dan transisi politik ketiga negara ini menjadi kunci untuk membaca perkembangan geopolitik Afrika Utara secara lebih komprehensif.Kata kunci: Maghrib, kolonialisme, kemerdekaan, transisi politik, Afrika Utara
Sufis And Women: The Study of Women’s Sufis In The Western World Ariani Barroroh Baried; Mulawarman Hannase
Refleksi: Jurnal Kajian Agama dan Filsafat Vol. 21 No. 1 (2022): Refleksi
Publisher : Faculty of Ushuluddin Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/ref.v21i1.23313

Abstract

The lack of records about the involvement and contribution of women in Sufism texts cannot be used as an excuse that women have a small role and position in the development and dissemination of Sufism teachings, doctrines, and practices. Of the two female Sufi names, namely Rabi’ah and Aishah al-Ba’uniyyah, two big names prove that women have equal opportunities in achieving spiritual knowledge. Therefore, the writer is interested in female Sufis, especially in Western countries, where so far, many writers have focused on female Sufis in the eastern world, therefore it is very interesting to study female Sufis in the Western world and to answer questions. about; Aren’t their women in the world of Sufism? Is it true that the world of Sufism belongs entirely to men only? This paper is a paper using a qualitative descriptive approach. The author uses a literature review with the data sources used in this paper are secondary data originating from the literature such as books, journals, articles, and various sources relevant to the theme of the discussion in this paper. The results of the study describe female Sufis, namely Hajjah Amina Adil and Hajjah Naziha Adil with their organization called HNCO (Hajjah Naziha Charitable Organization) engaged in philanthropy. Then another female Sufi is Nahid Angha who is known as one of the founders of the International Sufi Woman Organization, a world Sufi women’s organization. This organization is concerned with peace programs and women’s empowerment.
Co-Authors Ahmad Budiman Ahmad Fahrur Rozi Ahmadi, Lusiana Putri Akbar Akbar Alfarisi, Mochammad Salman Alfian Alfian, Annisa Maulidia Amaliya, Laila Rizky Amany Burhanuddin Umar Lubis Andrean Mohammad Irham Rasyid Anggara, Jefry Ariani Barroroh Baried Arwani, Salsabila Aviciena Zanjabil Ayu Andini Ayu Citra, Ken BAHTIAR, YUSUF Cucu Nurhayati, Cucu Dwi Wahyu Khairunnisa Elfando, Mario Excel Farah Farouk Alwyni Fathiyah Muslimah Qayyimah Fatwa Arifah Fauzyyah, Adhitia Wardani Febrina, Lis Fikri Luqoni, Ahmad Ghafur, Hanief Saha Gutomo Bayu Aji Haekal, Mohammad Rifki Hamdi, Zainal Hamka Hasan, Hamka Hamzah, Idil Imam Munandar, Adis Irwan CH Islamy, Robithoh Alam Jihaddin, Muhammad Hazikri Khoirunnisa Khoirunnisa Krisna Rendi Awalludin Laila Rizky Amaliya Lubis, Amany Lubis, Amany Burhanuddin Umar Lydia Freyani Hawadi M. Hamdan Basyar Makarim, Dina Fornia Mohamad Indra Israqi Mufti, Ridho Muhamad Syahrus Sobirin Muhammad Aras Prabowo MUHAMMAD FAHMI Muhammad Hamdan Basyar Muhammad Irwin Muslimin Muhammad Naufan Rizqullah Muhammad, Tobroni Muid N, Abd. Muslim, Afifi Marzuki Nafis, M. Cholil Nafis, Muhammad Cholil Naif, Naif Nasaruddin Umar, Nasaruddin Nasir Tajul Aripin Nur Fatwa Nur Fatwa Nur Fatwa, Nur Nurhidaya Nurhidaya Nurul Huda Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Nurwahidin Oktavia, Nursyam Oktoviana Banda Saputri Oktoviana Saputri Purba, Safna Putri Putro, Dimas Handoyo Rafika, Aliyah Rahmat Fitriansyah Rahmat Hidayat Raya, Ahmad Thib Rifki Haekal, Mohammad Rosfiyanti, Nina Rozi, Ahmad Fahrur Rozi Saenong, Farid F. Sahala, Thoriq Sakti, Cahaya Mulyani setiawandari, setiawandari Shobicatul Aminah Syahrullah Iskandar, Syahrullah Syaiful Rohman, Syaiful Syifa Mutiara Putri Heriandita Tahreem, Saadiya Ulfianti Ulya, Nashiha Umar Lubis, Amany Burhanuddin Umer Dar, Mulawarman Veithzal Rivai Zainal Wahidin, Nur Warto’i, Warto’i Yus, Agung Qosym Zahran, Mostafa