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Agama dan kekerasan anti-Cina pada masa transisi demokrasi Indonesia, 1997-2004 Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 28 No. 1 (2015): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (268.474 KB) | DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V28I12015.20-32

Abstract

In the discussions of anti-Chinese phenomena in Indonesian transition in 1997-2004, religion appears less dominating in regard of economic and political factors of ethnicity. In scientific works, the perception of antiChinese violence was also dominated by the views of politics and economy. In fact, religion also plays crucial role in many cases, ranging from the issue of Chinese infidelity, anti-Islamism and atheism. This is not to argue that politics, economy and social is not important. Otherwise, this paper argues that religion is equally important as politic, economic and social analysis, especially to explain anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia.
Dinamika Elit Gereja dalam Panggung Politik Deki Itje; Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) Vol 3, No 3 (2021): Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) April
Publisher : Mahesa Research Center

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (303.051 KB) | DOI: 10.34007/jehss.v3i3.406

Abstract

The church is an organizational organization that takes the interests of various church elites and parties to become a competition arena for local political elites. Thus, the elite church became the target of political elites and academics who wanted to seize power. This condition is evident, in various political constellations, religious organizations are laden with political contracts. Involve church elites in political momentum, there is support and response. This research explains how church elites compete on the political front and the views of church members of the church involved in politics. The methodology used is descriptive qualitative by determining informants using a purposive technique, in which the informants are determined based on their capacity to answer questions that are the locus of this study. The informants in the study were 13 people. The research location is in North Halmahera Regency. The results of the research show that political momentum contains political views and interests, thus giving permission to the church split (GMIH). The church elite (pastor) with its theological mission transformed into a practical political mission, the community (congregation) was educated with the political education of race, ethnicity, and religion which was then considered as the truth that all levels of society must accept.
Rumah Pintar Pemilihan Umum Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Semarang Sebagai Pusat Pembelajaran Pemilih Henry Wahyono; Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) Vol 3, No 3 (2021): Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) April
Publisher : Mahesa Research Center

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (201.216 KB) | DOI: 10.34007/jehss.v3i3.516

Abstract

Smart House for general election is a means of political education from the Electoral Commission that provides information about elections from time to time. Hopefully there will be many voters who want to know about the Election through the Smart Home Elections. The purpose of the study was to analyze the role of the Semarang KPU Election Smart House as an election learning center for voters. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods, as well as data collection through in-depth interviews and direct obeservation. The informant of this research consists of the Secretariat and Commissioners, as well as visitors to the Kpu Election Smart House in Semarang City. Technical data analysis refers to miles and huberman models include, data reduction, data display and draw conclusions. The results showed that The Smart House of Kpu Semarang City elections conducts political education activities through audio visual rooms, showrooms, discussion rooms and simulation rooms. In addition, political education is carried out with radio, leaflets, web and social media such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Youtube. Furthermore, make visits to schools and cooperate with universities. There are many obstacles faced in conducting political education influenced by inadequate human resources and limited budget.
Pandemi Covid-19 dan Pendekatan Kebijakan Multikrisis: Sebuah Refleksi Teoritis Laila Kholid Alfirdaus; Teguh Yuwono
JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 5, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : Program Studi Sarjana (S1) Ilmu Pemerintahan, FISIP, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14710/jiip.v5i2.8699

Abstract

Pandemi yang diakibatkan infeksi Covid-19 sejak akhir 2019 hingga saat ini memberikan pelajaran baru atas pendekatan kebijakan. Selama ini, ilmuan cenderung melihat kebijakan pada dari dua kutub pendekatan, yaitu kebijakan sebagai business as usual dan kebijakan di masa krisis. Munculnya pandemi ini rupanya menghadirkan tantangan yang jauh lebih besar dari apa yang dibayangkan dalam kebijakan dalam situasi krisis. Mulai dari ketidakjelasan informasi tentang virus, ketidakpastian berakhirnya penularan, dilema prioritas kesehatan dan ekonomi, terbatasnya sumberdaya yang dimiliki, adalah beberapa persoalan global yang  terus mencuat di tengah tekanan publik yang makin besar terhadap kebijakan pemerintah. Artikel ini berusaha mengurai kerumitan kebijakan dalam konteks Covid-19, yang penulis sebut sebagai kebijakan multi-krisis. Dengan mengandalkan pada penelitian sekunder dengan sumber utama adalah dokumen-dokumen literatur, maka artikel ini adalah tawaran ide dalam mengkerangkai teori kebijakan.
Making rural people’s fate in the hand of urban entities? A question of natural resource governance and rural-urban linkage in Indonesia Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : Program Studi Sarjana (S1) Ilmu Pemerintahan, FISIP, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (94.478 KB) | DOI: 10.14710/jiip.v4i1.4750

Abstract

The idea of rural-urban linkage, which is meant to tackle the issue of urban bias in development, requires trust and equality as fundamental conditions. However, building trust and promoting equality is never easy in rural-urban linkage promotion. Natural resources governance is among the areas which usually show us how difficult it is to promote rural-urban linkage for the hardships in power relations among the actors involved. As having long been noted, the issues of natural resources in Indonesia is contentious; leading to strong debate even conflict. Transparency and accountability often become big questions in natural resources governance, followed with hard deliberation between authorities, companies, and community contrary to the policy. These matters result in further problems of trust, equality, and representation, which further leads to difficulty in rural-urban linkage strengthening. As reflected from mining cases in Central Java and oil palm plantation in Central Kalimantan, we can see clearly how power relations between the pros (usually urban people represented by government apparatus and corporations) and cons (rural people; community) are usually lagging. Policy hardly counts the dissenting voices from the cons. Local authorities decide what is good and not for rural people dealing with natural resources issue. They promote economic development and poverty reduction through natural resources business, which is hardly proven. Natural resources policy is more often made one sided. Sometimes there is repression to suppress against a community that refuses the existence of corporations. This paper discusses challenges to the idea of rural-urban linkages from the experience of natural resources governance in Indonesia. From the cases we studied, we can learn that in order to promote linkage, and, further, equality between rural and urban areas, it is crucial to take into account deliberation, because urban entities are not supposed to make the rural people’s fate, just by exploiting and isolating them from decision making.
Dari identitas ke ideologi: Penguatan arah kebijakan programatik partai politik Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 3, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Program Studi Sarjana (S1) Ilmu Pemerintahan, FISIP, Universitas Diponegoro

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (170.234 KB) | DOI: 10.14710/jiip.v3i2.3886

Abstract

Sebagaimana disepakati berbagai pihak, persoalan partai politik di Indonesia saat ini secara mendasar terletak pada karakter pragmatisme yang makin menguat. Partai dianggap kehilangan ruh idologisnya sehingga menyebabkan arah kebijakan yang diadvokasi partai menjadi miskin identitas. Publik dan masyarakat pemilih kesulitan membedakan orientasi kebijakan partai karena partai seringkali merespon isu-isu nasional sehari-hari hanya berdasarkan pertama, kepentingan elektoral, dimana partai menolak atau mendukung sebuah kebijakan hanya berdasarkan hitung-hitungan pemeliharaan suara di pemilu. Partai oposisi akan selalu menolak ide partai berkuasa, dan sebaliknya, partai berkuasa akan selalu menentang pendapat partai oposisi. Faktornya penentunya hanya terkait pada apakah partai sedang berkuasa atau menjadi oposisi, bukan pada ideologi sebagai identitas partai itu sendiri. Hasilnya, partai yang sama dapat memiliki pandangan yang berbeda atas isu yang sama di periode politik yang berbeda, tergantung apakah partai tersebut sedang menjadi partai berkuasa atau partai oposisi. Kedua, arah kebijakan partai juga seringkali lebih terkait dengan kepentingan sekelompok kecil elit didalamnya. Arah kebijakan partai dalam hal ini hanya digunakan untuk melayani kepentingan segelintir orang yang mengendalikan partai, alih-alih kepentingan publik secara luas. Hasilnya, partai nir konsistensi, menyebabkan kesulitan identifikasi arah kebijakan partai ke depan. Pilihan politik pun kemudian hanya diputuskan berdasarkan pertimbangan jangka pendek, menyebabkan lemahnya afiliasi dan identifikasi politik pemilih. Dalam hal ini, kita jelas sedang menghadapi resiko pelembagaan demokrasi dan kepartaian yang lemah. Memikirkan perbaikan landasan ideologis kepartaian dengan demikian menjadi sangat krusial. Ideology shifting di tubuh partai menjadi kebutuhan yang tidak lagi terelakkan.
POLITIK KELUARGA DAN POLA REKRUTMEN PARTAI POLITIK DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH KABUPATEN BANYUWANGI TAHUN 2020 Khanifatul Mukaromah; Laila Kholid Alfirdaus; Fitriyah .
REFORMASI Vol 12, No 1 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Tribhuwana Tunggadewi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33366/rfr.v12i1.3305

Abstract

The strong grip of the oligarchs causes the recruitment of political parties to not work properly, there is a tendency for candidates to be nominated by political parties based on political elites not through a democratic mechanism that considers the integrity and capability of the candidate. This research uses descriptive qualitative research. Data collection techniques using interviews, observation and documentation. The data obtained then went through the stages of selecting data, data clarification, and compiling data. The findings of this study indicate that the pattern of recruitment of political parties (PDIP) is carried out openly, but through consideration of the existence of the family. In addition, the existence of Anas provides a great advantage in influencing the support of political parties. The research result shows that (1) the pattern of PDIP recruitment for Ipuk Fiestiandani is carried out openly according to applicable laws and regulations, but beyond that the existence of incumbent figures and popularity will always be nominated, and become the main attraction of PDIP in carrying Ipuk in the Banyuwangi Regency Election, (2) the Ipuk carrier is still affiliated with the existence of Anas behind it. AbstrakKuatnya cengkraman oligarki menyebabkan mekanisme rekrutmen partai politik tidak berjalan semestinya, terdapat kecenderungan pencalonan kandidat berdasarkan elit politik bukan melalui mekanisme demokratis yang mempertimbangkan integritas dan kapabilitas kandidat. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Teknik Pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Data yang diperoleh kemudian melalui tahapan menyeleksi data, klarifikasi  data, dan menyusun data. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa pola rekrutmen partai politik ( PDIP ) dilakukan secara terbuka, namun melalui pertimbangan eksistensi keluarga. Selain itu keberadaan Anas memberikan keuntungan besar dalam mempengaruhi dukungan partai politik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) pola rekrutmen PDIP terhadap Ipuk Fiestiandani dilakukan secara terbuka sesuai peruntutan dan aturan yang berlaku, namun di luar itu keberadaan figur petahana dan popularitas selalu dinominasikan, dan menjadi daya tarik PDIP dalam mengusung Ipuk di Pilkada Kabupaten Banyuwangi, (2) pengusungan Ipuk masih terafiliasi dengan keberdaan anas di belakangnya.
ANALISIS WACANA AKUN FACEBOOK HUMOR POLITIK TERKAIT PILKADA DKI JAKARTA TAHUN 2017 Rizki Amalia Yanuartha; Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Cakrawala Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Vol 9 No 1 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana

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Abstract

The development of technology and communication marked a change in the generation of political communication. The interesting thing in it is the realization of political participation through cyber technology accompanied by the emergence of hate speech discourse. This study aims to explain the discourse formed and identify various forms of political messages on the Humor Politik Facebook account related to the DKI Jakarta Regional Election in 2017. The method used is the critical discourse analysis method of Norman Fairclough. Limitation of research on the final goal does not generally look at social changes that occur. The results of the analysis from 218 memes, linguistically and socio-culturally indicate that the text contains more forms of satire and criticism on two pairs of candidates, namely number 1 (Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono – Sylviana Murni) and 3 (Anies Rasyid Baswedan – Sandiaga Salahudin Uno) governors and deputy governors of DKI Jakarta in 2017. While the text of support to the candidate pairs number 2 (Basuki Tjahaja Purnama – Djarot Saiful Hidayat). The text contains hate speech totaling 23 memes with forms of provocation and insults in the context of religion, ethnicity, race, sexuality, culture and personality. The production of political messages is a model of communal participation. Seen from the identification of the form and production of messages including the unconventional participation model. While political activities include political participation in the form of electoral activity by showing patterns of participation that express political preferences and indirectly also showing patterns of campaign participation or promotion of certain candidates. The form of political messages also leads to image packaging and tends towards neutralization. Through social media, political participants can express their opinions in the form of self-satire, criticism, or support. But it also requires a selective and critical attitude in interpreting every political message. Considering the use of social media today encourages more participation and impacts on the continuation of democracy.
PARTISIPASI POLITIK MAHASISWA ASAL ACEH DI KOTA SEMARANG Syahrur Ramadhi; Laila Kholid Alfirdaus
Jurnal Ilmiah Muqoddimah: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hummaniora Vol 5, No 1 (2021): Pebruari 2021
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31604/jim.v5i1.2021.38-49

Abstract

Mahsiswa Aceh sebagai kelompok intelektual muda memiliki keinginan kuat dalam berkontribusi dalam meningkatkan kemajuan bangsa melalui pesta demokrasi. Partisipasi politik menjadi titik awal mahasiswa untuk melakukan perubahan dengan menyalurkan suara dalam pemilu, sehingga mendorong antusiasme dan perhatian lebih dalam pemilu. Namun ada mahasiswa yang memutuskan tidak menyalurkan suaranya pada pemilu. Tujuan penelitian ini,   mendeskripsikan partisipasi politik dan faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik mahasiswa asal Aceh di Kota Semarang pada Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019. Metode yang digunakan diskriptif kualitatif dengan 17 narasumber yang tergabung dalam Ikatan Pelajar Aceh Semarang (IPAS). Teknik pengambilan sampel menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil peneltian menunjukan partisipasi politik mahasiswa Aceh terjalin baik, dengan tingginya perbincangan mengenai pemilu yang dijalani dalam kehidupan asrama. Tipologi pemilih tergolong kedalam tipe relasional dan kritis yang mampu menilai berdasarkan fakta lapangan. Faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi ada tiga faktor kongnitif, kandidat dan orang tua. Faktor hambatan terjadi karena persyaratan admistrasi yang membutuhkan waktu lebih dalam mengurusnya. Keywords :Partisipasi Politik, Mahasiswa, Pemilihan Umum, Pemilihan Presiden
PELEMAHAN PERAN SARAK OPAT DALAM PEMERINTAHAN KAMPUNG KUTE RAYANG KECAMATAN LINGE KABUPATEN ACEH TENGAH Puger Abdul Khaliq; laila kholid Alfirdaus
Journal of Politic and Government Studies Vol 11, No 3 : Periode Wisuda Juli 2022
Publisher : Journal of Politic and Government Studies

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Abstract

Desa adalah kesatuan masyarakat hukum yang memiliki batas wilayah yang berwenang untuk mengatur dan mengurus pemerintahan, kepentingan masyarakat setempat berdasarkan prakarsa masyarakat, hak asal usul, dan hak tradisional yang diakui dan dihormati dalam sistem pemerintahan negara. Tentang Penyelenggaraan Keistimewaan Provinsi Aceh, ditegaskan bahwa daerah dapat menetapkan berbagai kebijakan dalam upaya pemberdayaan, pelestarian dan pengembangan adat serta lembaga adat di wilayahnya, yang dijiwai sesuai dengan Syari`at Islam. Aceh Tengah merupakan salah satu daerah dengan mayoritas bersuku Gayo. Masyarakat Gayo juga mempunyai hukum sendiri dalam menata kehidupannya dan masyarakat sering menyebutnya sebagai hukum adat. Didalam masyarakat Gayo dilaksanakan oleh “Sarak Opat”. Keberadaan Sarak Opat tersebut sampai sekarang ini masih ada dalam penyelenggaraan urusan kampung dan penyelesaian perselisihan antar warga kampung, melemahnya Sarak Opat terjadi ketika Sarak Opat itu sendiri bersentuhan atau berhubungan dengan kebudayaan asing. Adapun unsur Sarak Opat yang ada dalam masyarakat Gayo terdiri dari Reje, Imem, Petue dan Rakyat. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengurangi pelemahan peran Sarak Opat dalam pemerintahan kampung Kute Rayang suku Gayo dan untuk mengetahui apa saja faktor - faktor yang mempengaruhi pelemahan didalamnya. Berdasarkam hasil penelitian dan pembahasan, pelemahan dan penguatan peran sarak opat dalam pemerintahan kampung kute rayang kecamatan Linge kabupaten Aceh Tengah dapat dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor. Dalam objek penelitian penulis memilih metode wawancara antara 2 orang maupun lebih dari berbagai pihak yang terkait sebagai berikut : 1) Pemerintah; 2) Perangkat kampung; 3) Masyarakat
Co-Authors -, Fitriyah - -, Wijayanto - Adnan, Muhammad - Aifa Dafa Assyifa Akbar, Rahmat - Akhmad, Bachruddin Ali Al Farisi, Muhammad Salman Al Faruq, Abdurahman Aldona Ainur Rohma Anbiya, Hafiizh Sufi Aninditya - Normalitasari Anisa Maulina Rahma Aprilianto, Panca Prasetio Arif Budiman Arifin Setyan Cahyanto Arina Diah Al Hamid Arzaqi, Nila Ashila, Miralda Farah Azahra, Jihan Marsya Bachruddin Ali Akhmad Badsty, Monica Budi Setiyono Cantona, Septian Reva Christiana Cristin Gauru Danny Widodo Uji Prakoso Deki Itje Dewi Ayu Wulandari Didik Try Putra Dinda Ayu Arrafi’u Nilna Munaa Dzunuwanus Ghulam Manar Dzunuwanus Ghulam Manar Dzunuwwanus Ghulam Manar Elizabeth Anggit Sekar Citra T Eric Hiariej Eric Hiariej Erowati, Dewi - Fairuz Thifal Nabila Farhan Riski Tricahyo Farsijana Adeney Risakotta Farsijana Adeney-Risakotta Fitriah Fitriah Fitriani, Kirana - Fitriani, Valeriana Aldiva Fitriyah - - Fitriyah Fitriyah Fitriyah Fitriyah Gai, Apolonaris Hafifah Bella Nugraheni Hanifa Maylasari Hasna Nur Rachmawati Hayuningtyas, Anggita Sekar Hendra Ardianto Hendra Try Ardianto Hendra Try Ardianto Hendratman, Bevan Pramudito Henry Sofyan Rois Henry Wahyono Holyness Nurdin Singadimedja Imam Syahid Indrakusuma, Galton Dwita Ita - Noviani Jamaluddin, Sholeh - Joelianto, Najma Maharani Putri Kania Rizky, Tara Qis-Hayya Khanifatul Mukaromah Khasanah, Siti Uswatun KHOLQI, AHSANUL Kushandajani Kushandajani . Lelly Nuraviva Liona - - Lupyta Agra Divina M Septian Budiman M, Yesie Cindra M. Adnan Arsyad Manar, Dzunuwwanus Ghulam Mangkunegara, RM Ahmada - Maria Lidwina Resti Martini, Rina - Maulidya, Nur Mahya Mbiri, Adeo Melly Rahmadan Ningsih Mohamad Ulil Amri Muhammad - Adnan Muhammad Adnan Muhammad Alfatih Akbar Pahlevi Nabella, Monica Amy Nabilah, Siti Maharani Nafirotul Karima Najich Alfayn, Mukhammad Akhmad Neny - Marlina Nindy Ajeng Maharani Novitasari, Aldian - Nunik Retno Herawati Nur Hidayat Sardini Nurhidayat Nurhidayat Oktavia, Fitka Dwi Permatasari, Sinta Dewi Prasetyo Sitowin Priyatno Harsasto Puger Abdul Khaliq Purwanti, Uci Dewi Qhuraydillah, Muhammad Octavian Raden Muhammad iqbal Rahayu, Ananda Ajeng Rahdeana Almeyna Kurnia Ramadhan, Aditya Rifqi Reditania, Zilda Clarita Retna Arista Kesi Wijayanti Rina Martini Rina Martini Riyanto, Diva Nadilla Arya Ramadhan Rizki Amalia Yanuartha Rosihan Widi Nugroho Rosihan Widi Nugroho S. Rouli Manalu Safitri, Nur Faiza Sahi, Nada Rafa’ Salsya Billa Annisa Samuel, Bob Sardini, Nur Hidayat - Sekarsari, Ajeng Ayu Selsie Anggela Putri Septiani, Dhuhika Nikmah Setiyono, Budi - Shafira Putri Vanessa Shinta Milania Rohmany Siahaan, Audrey Loemongga Shaloom Siregar, Theresia Nadya Regina Winarno Sri Astuty Sri Astuty Sugiarto S Supratiwi . Suwanto Adhi Syahrur Ramadhi Syifana Awan Ardhini Syofii, Muhammad Teguh - Yuwono Teguh Yuwono Teguh Yuwono Theresia Rosari Sekar Cakraningtyas Turtiantoro Turtiantoro Wahid Abdulrahman Wahyu Hanie Pratiwi Wibawa, Aditya Dwi Prasetya Wijayanto - - Wijayanto Wijayanto Wijayanto Wijayanto Wiryawan, Bangkit Aditya Yusyifa, Zafira Zahra Yuwanto Yuwanto Yuwanto Yuwanto